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Tribunal Series (2): What Tinubu/Shettima told Court about Amazon Witness

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Below are excerpts of what the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential and vice presidential candidates, Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Senator Kashim Ibrahim Shettima, respectively, told the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) about the “bombshell Amazon Witness” PW 7 at the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC).

Tinubu/Shettima made the remarks in their response of the petition filed at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal by Mr. Peter Gregory Obi and his Labour Party (LP).

Amazon Web Service (AWS), it could be noted, is the Company owner or Provider of the Servers and BVAS Machines that the Independent national Electoral Commission (INEC) used to conduct the 2023 general elections.

INEC had about 3 or 4 Servers that they used for the conduct of the general elections few months ago which were installed at its headquarters in Abuja by AWS who was also responsible for the protection of those servers for hackers and internet fraudsters.

Read details of how Amazon Web Services exposed INEC at the Tribunal below:

Tribunal Update: INEC lied, no technical glitch on election day, says Amazon Witness

Lawyer to Peter Obi / Labour Party (LP), Dr. Livy Uzoukwu at the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC)

Lawyer to Peter Obi / Labour Party (LP), Dr. Livy Uzoukwu at the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC), July 3, 2023

Read Tinubu/Shettima’s response below:

Evidence of PW2, PW4, PW7, PW8 & PW12 considered

The evidence of these witnesses essentially centers round the function of the BVAS and 1REV and ultimately seek to impeach the veracity of INEC’s explanation about the technological glitches that occurred on the day of the election and its implication on the overall results of the election. Without equivocation, it is our respectful submission that the petitioners have woefully failed in this adventure of theirs and this will be seen through the direct analysis of their respective evidence.

The evidence of PW2 is largely irrelevant for the benefit of the petition, as his witness statement on oath only attempted to outline the various features and functions of the BVAS; the involvement of the Amazon Web Service (AWS) and its corporate profile; as well as the description of the IREV, its workings and configurations. However, despite the supposed authoritative assertions of this witness in respect of the BVAS and the IREV, under cross examination, he confessed that he is not familiar with the applications on the BVAS device and that as a software engineer, he has never designed any software that was applied for the conduct of any general election.

Though this witness had made several assertions in respect of the AWS in his witness statement, in all fairness to him, he opened up that he is not a staff of AWS. Similarly, the witness confessed that he was not aware of the number of software that makes the components that INEC used for the 2023 general election, as he is not an INEC staff, admitting that he never had any of the materials he used for his supposed findings before the court, but on his laptop which was not made available to the court.

The irony about this witness is that despite his bogus claim and the bravado exhibited in the statements regarding the various technological issues, he virtually claimed not to be aware of anything at the end of everything. This exposes the witness’ limited or total lack of knowledge of the facts in respect of which he pretended to be asserting authority and by the decision of the apex court in Emoga v. State (1997), it impacts on his overall credibility and further demonstrates why this Honourable Court cannot take his depositions seriously. Perhaps, seeing the damage that this witness has caused to their case, including his confession of not being a staff of AWS, the petitioners now proceeded to invite PW7, who claimed to be a cloud engineer and a member of staff of AWS.

Though this witnesses intended demonstrating to the court that the AWS server was beyond any form of reproach, it would take only a few questions under cross examination to expose the futility of this theorem. Starting with Exhibits PCJ1 and PCJ2, which were the only documents the witness attempted to employ in proving the fact of her connection with AWS, both documents were unsigned and this goes to the relevance and even admissibility of the documents. We respectfully urge this Honourable Court to hold that the said documents are totally worthless, being not only inadmissible, but of no evidential value whatsoever.

Additionally, Exhibit PCJ2, which would have established her connection with AWS, as the latter’s staff, was without an author, thus, leaving to doubt, the assertion that same emanated from the AWS. The end result of this will be that against the admonitions of the courts in Abubakar & Anor. v. INEC & Ors. (2019), she was unable to properly identify herself as a staff of AWS, and this Honourable Court ought to discountenance the entire evidence of this witness on this basis. In any event, the witness admitted that though the report she tendered relates only to AWS infrastructure, the subpoena she brought before the court was not delivered to Amazon but to her in person and that she was not in court on the authority of AWS.

On this account, we submit that the evidence of this witness cannot be treated as the evidence of AWS or taken with any seriousness at all. The predicament of PW7 and indeed the petitioners did not end there, this supposed witness was unable to present her letter of employment by AWS as the supposed unsigned letter of confirmation of employment was only manufactured by her, on 19th June, 2023 (as per the date on the document), a day before the tendering of same, indicating that this document was made by a party interested, during the pendency of litigation, for the mere purpose of litigation, thus, rendering same inadmissible.

This Honourable Court will further appreciate that this witness was a party interested, when it observes that she is a card-carrying member of the petitioner, who in fact, contested election to become a member of the House of Representatives, representing Cross River State, under the banner of the 2nd petitioner, where she lost the election. The interesting thing about her political involvement, however, is that, in her quest to secure the admission and publication of het :late by INEC for the National Assembly election, she had averred before the Federal High Court that she made several efforts to upload her name on the NEC network site, but because of network failure, her efforts proved abortive, as the INEC site crashed – this she wholly admitted under cross examination.

This evidence corroborates the respondents’ case of a technological glitch on the day of the election and flattens the petitioners’ insinuation of the impregnability of any of the technological components. More so, this witness admitted the several incidents of glitches and outages on the AWS sites (including the fact that as at 2021, the AWS has had over 27 episodes of outages), while identifying that if these could happen in 2021 and time past, they could happen anytime, as according to her, “anything is possible.” This admission by her, evaporates the entire suggestion by her, that the AWS server was beyond any form of reproach.

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Meanwhile, the reports supposedly tendered by this witness were admittedly merely downloaded on the website of AWS. Therefore, the witness was not the maker of same and could in fact, not have validly withstood cross-examination in relation to the said document. These documents which was eventually admitted and marked as Exhibits P03 (A-F) and PCJ4, however, did not indicate any key to assist this Honourable Court in identifying the connotations of the various characters on the purported reports. Without mincing words, the evidence of this witness, including the purported reports are worthless, meaningless. of no value whatsoever and fit only for the trashcan.

The evidence of PW4 was basically a comparison of the uploads to the 1REV and the declared result by INEC. We have earlier in this address, established the fact that the relevance of upload on the 1REV, as far as the extant legal framework currently stands, occupies a tertiary place in the pecking order, and does not have any impact on the election, as the actual building blocks of the election are the Forms EC8A and EC 60E. Beyond this, however, this witness who tendered bundles of documents described as his reports, admitted that he was procured by the Labour Party to produce the report and that the primary source of his data was the 1REV portal, going by his term of reference, as contained in paragraph 3 of his witness statement. Paragraph 3 of the witness statement is very instructive.

Therein, the witness had suggested that his terms of reference were:

(a) Carry out data analysis on the election results State by State;

(b) Determine whether the result to be announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (NEC) at the conclusion of the election of the election on 25th February, 2023, match with the results uploaded on INEC Result Viewer (IREV) portal; and,

(c) Determine NEC compliance with the Electoral Act, 2022 and the INEC Regulation and Guidelines for Conduct of Elections, 2022.

Primarily, these terms of reference serve as the basis for the relevance of whatever this witness has submitted to this Honourable Court. To start with. his first term of reference had required him to carry out data analysis on the election result -State by State”.

However, he admitted under cross examination that he only gave consideration to. or merely tendered reports in respect of two States, that is Benue and Rivers. Therefore, not only could his report not have been accurate and in tandem with the overall result on a State by State consideration, the second term of reference is also automatically defeated, as the two States’ consideration could not have sufficed in determining “whether the result announced by INEC at the conclusion of the election of the election on 25th February, 2023, match with the results uploaded on INEC Result Viewer (IREV) portal.”

The point being made is that an isolated consideration of two States out of the 36 States of the Federation and the FCT could not ground an empirical analysis of accuracy of the overall results, whether on IREV or actual declaration. In any event, this incongruency was exposed when the witness tendered Exhibit PCEI-PCE4 which are the over 18088 blurred polling unit results, claimed to have been downloaded from the IREV. It is noteworthy that the witness himself admitted under cross examination that the totality of the said polling units both in Rivers and Benue, where he claimed to have considered, would not amount to 18,088 polling units. In effect, therefore, as far as the evidence of this witness was concerned, it is without any foundation or structure.

Lastly, engaging an acclaimed professor of Mathematics to determine whether NEC had complied with the provisions of the Electoral Act, as well as the Regulations and Manuals, took the petitioners’ undermining of the authority of this Honourable Court too far. Without over flogging the issue, this witness lacked the requisite capacity to so do, and if the petitioners should advance arguments to the contrary, then they could as well be suggesting that the witness has done the job for this Honourable Court only to rubber stamp or that their approaching this Honourable Court is merely to fulfil all righteousness, since their professor of Mathematics had already determined INEC’s compliance with the Electoral Act.

Of course, the tack of capacity of this witness who has no background or learning in law is obvious. The totality of these analysis, demonstrate that even the terms of reference, which is the foundation upon which the entire activities are predicated, are crooked and devoid of firmness.

In any event, though the witness agreed that it is the image of the form EC8A that is usually uploaded to the IREV, he surprisingly admitted that he never sighted the hardcopies. On this account, the purported analysis of the result cannot be taken with any seriousness, as the professor admittedly refused to accord any cognizance to the primary data, being the form EC8A. In other words, premised on our earlier established position of the primary essence of the hardcopy of the Form EC8As, there is nothing before the court that ascertain that the forms purportedly downloaded from the IREV, making a total of 8088 blurry documents appear in the same manner in the hardcopy of the Form EC8A, as anything, including the intervention of printers, toners and the likes, could have accounted for blurriness of a document which had undergone printing.

More so, and to corroborate our submission on the superior place of the hardcopy, the witness admitted that the IREV is not capable of collating scores and that the fact that the uploaded result is blurry or not, or whether the uploading fails or not, will not fact that the uploaded result is blurry or not, or whether the uploading fails or not, will not change the result entered into the appropriate Form EC8A at the polling unit, while confessing that the IREV is not a collation center.

Worse still, the witness was shown Exhibit PCD2 (with respect to Rivers State), for him to identify a particular polling unit in Degema Local Government Area where he had earlier alleged there was over-voting. Contrary to the content of the purported report, where over-voting had been alleged in respect of the said polling unit, amongst several others listed, the number of accredited voters and total votes cast tallied at 40, where the witness also dramatically admitted that there is no over-voting at the polling unit.

With respect to this Honourable Court, this suffices to puncture the evidence of this witness as all his summations and computations have been shown to be inaccurate on account of his random lumping of polling units. Of equal importance also, is the fact that this witness who said he was engaged by the petitioners prior to the election, admitted that he concluded his assignment on l9th March, 2023, prior to the filing of the petition. While this was in anticipation of the proceedings with the attendant evidential consequences of inadmissibility [see section 83(3) of the Evidence Act], it must also be added that same ought to have come with the petition and not forming part of a subpoena at the middle of the hearing, with the aim of springing surprises on the respondents and furtively introducing polling units, which hitherto, were not part of the petition.

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In any event, the polling units forming part of the said purported reports were not pleaded in the petition, thereby, amounting to the fact that the entire evidence is irrelevant to the petition, since evidence without pleading goes to no issue. PW8 is another witness who ostensibly was introduced in the course of the petitioners’ panic to remedy the damage done to and by the evidence of PW7. The purpose of his own testimony, as appearing on his witness statement on oath, was to react to INEC’s claim about the technological hitches experienced in the course of the election. He, however, did this, more through weblinks and codes.

As the court will see through his witness statement, a larger portion was made up of weblinks, of which he indicated that he never intended for the court to comb the links to access and download the documents in the recess of its chambers. It then becomes imperative to question the motive behind the submission of the various links. Again, though this witness had claimed that he considered the uploads on the IREV with the aim of impeaching the credibility of the process, just like the witness before him. he admitted that he did not examine the physical copies of the form EC8As of the polling units referenced in his witness statement and that from his examination of his meta-data, he could not ascertain whether the results of the respective polling units were properly collated in the forms EC8As, as all he did were on his computer.

This witness also admitted that he did not physically examine any of the BVAS machines and that he did not personally interrogate Festus Okoye, whose statement he had reacted to in his report. The low credibility of the witness was exposed when he claimed that the meta-data annexed as Exhibit A to his witness statement and admitted in evidence as Exhibit PCK I were not codes, but readable documents. However, this document is very obvious to this Honourable Court as consisting of unreadable/encrypted codes. For instance, we respectfully refer this Honourable Court to the first page of the document where the following inscriptions are contained:

Anambra-04-08-12-001 metafile
“polling_unit” : {
“Status” : ACTIVE
“generation” : 1,
“db_generation”: 1,
“is_accredited”: 1,
“_lid”: “4f0f4770c440353badb0fd4c”

With immense respect to the petitioners, it would have reasonably been expected that this witness who had reeled out a long resume, ought to have decrypted these codes for the appreciation of not just this Honourable Court, but the respondents also. In Ogidi v. State (2005) 5 NWLR (Pt. 918) 286 at 330, the Supreme Court held that the lingua franca of the court is English language and that the court will not be addressed in any language other than the English language-not even through undecrypted codes or meta-data.

Since his entire evidence is predicated on this meta-data, it follows that the witness did not intend for this Honourable Court to make any use of his testimony which are made up majorly of weblinks and codes. To further demonstrate the inconsistencies in the evidence of this witness, the witness admitted that he only made reference to three States in his witness statement, that is Anambra, Bauchi and Rivers, whereas, the last three pages of his meta-data refer to Benue State, thereby, amounting to a material inconsistency.

This witness also admitted that out of about over 176, 000 polling units in the presidential election constituency, there are only eight polling unit referenced and attached to his witness statement. Not only is the evidence of this witness inconsequential, assuming this Honourable Court even considers same, it would not have the requisite substantiality to impact on the election of the 2nd respondent and we urge the court to so hold.

PW12, gave the omnibus evidence in respect of the entire petition for the petitioners. Apart from the material admissions against the interest of the petitioners made by this witness, his evidence was basically that of hearsay and irrelevancies. Under cross examination, he admitted that apart from his polling unit and the situation room, he was nowhere else on the day of the election, while adding that he was neither a polling unit agent nor a collation agent for his party on the day of the election. Shown the certified true copy of the judgment of the Federal High Court in Labour Party v. INEC in Suit No: FHC/ABJ/CS/1454/2022, which was admitted by the court in evidence as Exhibit Xl. The implication of this judgment will be addressed in succeeding paragraphs of this address.

Shown the petition, the witness also admitted that he was unable to see any figure of unlawful votes credited to the 2′ and 3′ respondents and that his political party had only a total of 133,000 agents nationwide, out of 176, 974 polling units in the country. While confirming that he joined the Labour Party on 20th May, 2022, he stated that he joined the party before the 1″ petitioner, while the primary election held on 30th May, 2022.

The point to be noted from this piece of evidence is that even from the petitioners’ evidence, the case has been made that the petitioner was not a member of INEC, even as at 10 days to the conduct of the primary election, whereas, the register of members were required to have been submitted to INEC at least, 30 days to the primary election. The Register of members submitted on 25th April, 2022 and admitted in evidence as Exhibit RA18 corroborated this fact and the respondents’ witness, under cross examination, stated categorically, that the name of the In petitioner was nowhere to be found on the register of members for the 2′ petitioner.

The witness also admitted to the various unpredictability and imperfection of technological devices, including his telephone, generator and even power supply in Nigeria. This buttresses the point that the BVAS, being a technological device could be subject to any of these vagaries. The witness was referred to paragraph 100 of his witness statement where he had alleged that unlawful votes were credited to the 2nd respondent. Asked of the number of the unlawful votes credited to the 2′ respondent, he was unable to mention.

Similarly, he was referred to the reliefs claimed in his witness statement to show that though he wanted the court to return the petitioners who came third, the petition had sought such relief, without joining the candidate of the PDP, who came second and has not been made a party to the petition, despite the fact that such relief will adversely impact on his interest. The witness was also referred to the portion of the witness statement which reproduced the alternative relief (4), where he urged the court to hold that his candidate scored the highest number of valid votes scored. The witness admitted that he never knew what the referenced -highest number of valid votes were.

This witness also admitted that he did not open the various envelopes dumped on the court, because there was no time, and as such, he only opened some. Accordingly, we respectfully urge this Honourable Court to take note of the fact that the petitioners only succeeded in dumping their documents before this Honourable Court, without the requisite demonstration and linkage with the relevant portion of the case. The witness also admitted that several of the documents which he was relying upon in his witness statement were not tendered before the court. We urge the court to observe that this petition has been prosecuted without the relevant documents, in respect of which the court could have taken a decision in their favour.

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Meanwhile, though the witness stated that he was going to rely on the report of the expert, we urge the court to note that this report was only made in May, 2023, while he had already made his statement since March, 2023. The same thing applies to the report of the forensic expert, which was allegedly made in April. FHC/ABJ/CS/1454/2022-Labour Party v. INEC delivered on 23rd January, 2023.

Before we round off on this issue, may we draw the court’s attention to a direct decision of the Federal High Court on the subject, that is the Unreported decision of the Federal High Court, Abuja Judicial Division, per Nwite, J., in FHC/ABJ/CS/1454/2022-Labour Party v. Independent National Electoral Commission, delivered on 23a January, 2023. For ease of reference, the question for determination in the Originating Summons is as follows: “Whether having regard to combined effect of Section 47(2), 50(2), 60(5) and 62(1)(2) and other relevant provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022 the Respondent can still insist on manual collation of results in the forthcoming general election.”

Declaratory reliefs were subsequently sought in line with the main question for determination. After considering the relevant provisions of the Electoral Act, the Regulations and Guidelines, as well as the Manuals, the learned trial judge held as follows: “Now a close reading of section 50(2) has provided for voting and transmission of results, to be done in accordance with the procedure to be determined by the Commission. This is to say that the Commission is at liberty to prescribe or choose the manner in which election results shall be transmitted…

In view of the foregoing, can the act of the defendant in collating and transferring election results manually in the forth coming 2023 general elections be said to be contrary to the relevant provisions of the Electoral Act, 2023? The answer can only be in the negative, as there is nowhere in the above cited sections where the Commission or any of its agents is mandated to only use an electronic means in collating or transferring of election results. If any, the Commission is only mandated to collate and transfer election results and number of accredited voters, in a way and manner deemed fit by it…By the provisions of section 50(2) and 60(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022, the correct interpretation of the said statute is that INEC is at liberty to prescribe the manner in which election results will be transmitted, and I so hold.”

While we admit that the above is a decision of the Federal High Court, we submit that it is a judgment in rem, which under section 287(3) of the Constitution, should be complied with by every power and authority in Nigeria, and also enforced throughout Nigeria. This is more particularly so, as the 1st petitioner and NEC are recurring parties, both in that case and in this petition. A similar situation as this, arose in Labour Party v. I.N.E.C. (Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/399/2011), where the Federal High Court per Kolawole, J (as he then was, now JCA), nullified section 141 of the Electoral Act, 2010 and no appeal to the Court of Appeal was lodged against that judgment, until it was relied upon at the Supreme Court in Wada v. Bello (2016) 17 NWLR (Pt. 1542) 374 at 433, by one of the parties. The Supreme Court invoked the decision and stated that the apex court itself, was bound by it, until set aside on appeal.

May we also refer your Lordships to the celebrated case of Rossek v. ACB Ltd. (supra) at 434-435, where the Supreme Court held that a judgment of any court of record is binding on all parties and persons, unless it is set aside by an appellate court. Interestingly, the judgment was also tendered as Exhibit Xl, before this Honourable Court, through PW12. Of more particular debilitating effect against the case of the petitioners, is the fact that this particular case was instituted by them before the elections, praying precisely, through declaratory reliefs for the same contentions which they have mounted before this Honourable Court. Judgment was given against them and that judgment is binding for all intents and purposes.

The judgment is both in personam and in rem. Rather than obeying and complying with the judgment as mandatorily enjoined under section 287(3) of the Constitution, they have come before this Honourable Court, under the guise of a petition to be parading and ventilating the same issues. They are not only taunting the court, but they have demonstrated outright disregard for the institution of the judiciary. Their petition is not only abusive, but also scandalous.

In Rosseck v. ACB (supra), the Supreme Court, per Bello, CJN and Ogundare, JSC, hammered on the proposition that no party or citizen is allowed to treat the judgment of any court with disdain or disrespect, and that if that is allowed, it will amount to invitation to anarchy. Our submission is that the petitioners are inviting anarchy by their ventilation of this issue of non-compliance based on non-transmission of results electronically, by INEC. The subject is also caught by the doctrine of res judicata, particularly, against the petitioners.

The point must be well situated that the parties and the course are the same, both in Exhibit X1 and before this Honourable Court and by the parties, we mean the petitioners, who were/are the plaintiffs in each of the cases. The law is also well crystallized that when the issue of abuse of process arises, it is the latter case that will be dismissed. This petition, being the latter case, is the one bound to be dismissed and we so urge.

In Arubo v. Aiyeleru(1993) , it was held that abuse of process is a Vey serious vice which demands no other treatment than dismissal. The situation in the celebrated case of Ojukwu v. Governor of Lagos State (1986) 1 NWLR (Pt. 18) 621 is not even as serious as what we have here, particularly, the reference to disobedience of, or non-compliance with judgment or order of a lower court by a party, who keeps on taunting the courts with further applications or supplications on the same subject. It is for the foregoing submissions that we urge the court to resolve this issue in favour of the respondents and against the petitioners.

Read also:

Tribunal: Amazon witness is Labour Party’s bombshell — international observer

 Read more.

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Analysis

Nigeria is radicalizing the Igbo, one injustice at a time ~ by Abolaji Rasaq

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There’s something about persecution that does two things to a people: it either breaks them, or it makes them beasts of survival.

For centuries the Jews… they were hunted, hated, and humiliated by empires. But they didn’t vanish.

They evolved. They adapted. And today, the Jews are arguably the most powerful tribe in the world economically, intellectually, and politically. Ruthless when necessary.

They are unapologetic about their survival. Now, look at the Igbo. A tribe known for industry, resilience, and brilliance.

A people who just want to live, do business, and thrive. But Nigeria doesn’t want that. Nigeria wants control.

Nigeria wants submission. And the one thing the Igbo have never known how to do is bow. And that’s the real issue.

So what does Nigeria do? It sidelines them. Isolates them. Provokes them. Bombs their villages under the guise of security.

Locks up their agitators. Shuts down their businesses. Mocks their pain. Ignores their history. Prevent them from voting. Play politics with their education. Sponsored bigotry on them.

And then Nigeria pretends to be surprised that there’s growing radicalization in the East?

Let me be clear: The Igbo didn’t start this fire. Nigeria did.

And history, the very same history we keep refusing to learn from, has shown us that when you keep pushing a tribe that knows how to survive, they evolve into something stronger, something unstoppable.

It’s happened before. With the Jews. Europe tried to exterminate them. Instead, they became the backbone of global finance, media, tech, and diplomacy.

You don’t touch a Jew today without consequences. You don’t push them to the wall and expect them to stay quiet.

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Now Nigeria is doing the same to the Igbo, pushing, prodding, provoking.

But here’s the warning: when you push an animal to the wall, it doesn’t stay calm. It fights back. It bites. And this time, when it bites, don’t act shocked.

But this isn’t just about the Igbo solely. Nigeria has perfected the art of creating monsters, then acting surprised when they bite.

The Niger Delta? Radicalized. The region was exploited for oil, polluted beyond repair, and ignored until their youths picked up arms.

The Fulani terrorists? Radicalized. Left behind by the same government that claimed to represent them, now manipulated by religion and resentment.

The Almajiri? Radicalized. Abandoned by an elite that used their poverty as a vote bank and then left them to rot.

The Agbero? Radicalized. Uneducated, weaponized, and unleashed as tools of political chaos.

Even the middle class is slowly being radicalized, not with guns, but with hopelessness. That, too, is a ticking time bomb.

A nation cannot continue to marginalize its most brilliant tribe and expect peace.

The Igbo are not docile. They are not quiet. They are not forgetful. They are survivors, and survivors don’t beg for space forever. At some point, they take it.

The Igbo didn’t set out to be radicals. They were made into one by a country that won’t stop seeing their confidence as a threat.

You can’t keep pretending unity means silence. You can’t keep preaching peace while planting injustice.

The Igbo are not asking for too much, they just want to live, build, and grow.

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But if you insist on turning their dignity into defiance, their enterprise into enmity, and their survival into sedition, then you are creating a monster.

And if history has taught us anything, it’s this: when a persecuted people decide that survival is no longer enough, when they decide to stop running and start resisting, they don’t just fight back. They win.

Nigeria must understand this: you cannot keep pushing people into a corner and expect submission.

When you back a lion into a wall, don’t expect it to purr. It will roar. It will claw. It will tear through anything standing between it and freedom.

So here’s the final warning, for those who still care to listen: Nigeria is radicalizing the Igbo.

But worse, Nigeria is radicalizing everyone. And it won’t end well.

When the fire spreads, when the rebellion multiplies, when the beast we created begins to fight back, don’t act shocked; no tribe will be left untouched.

Don’t pretend it wasn’t preventable. We all made it happen. You don’t corner a lion and expect peace.

Abolaji Rasaq is a public affairs analyst.

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Igbo Corner

Crisis hits Nnewi over Uruagu PG election, as BoT members protest, resign

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Palpable crisis is brewing in Nnewi over the election of the President General of Uruagu Community in the industrial town of Anambra State, with a business mogul and owner of Organiser Plc., Chief Innocent Okoli, accused of upsetting the apple cart.

The crisis has led to protests and resignation of members of the Board of Trustees (BoT).

One of the resignation letters sighted by News Band was from a legal practitioner, J. N. Obi, Esq.

Barrister Obi, until his resignation served as the Secretary of the Executive Committee and member, Uruagu Board of Trustees.

Tendering his resignation letter, Obi cited brazen violation of the Constitution of Uruagu Nnewi Community Development Union.

The letter was referenced OB/03 /296/2025, dated May 8, 2025, and addressed to His Highness. Obi A. C. Obi (Ogidi IV).

In the letter entitled “Letter of resignation as member, Board of Trustees (B.O. T) Uruagu Nnewi. Obi announced his resignation based on the following reasons:

  1. Article 8. 9 (a) of the Constitution of Uruagu Nnewi Community Development Union. 2022 (As Amended) states and I quote:
    “The Board shall “Ensure the observance of this Constitution”. 
  2. Article 14.4 of the Constitution of Uruagu Nnewi Community Development Union 2022 (As Amended) states and I quote:
    “Each ward shall submit a list of the Electors In writing to the Secretary General of the Union, one month before any election.
    “The submission of the list of the Electors shall be done by the Ward Chairman In consultation with the Ward’s Obi.”
  3. “The election sought to be conducted on Saturday, 10th day of May 2025, did not comply with the above provisious as it was on the Union’s general meeting of the I3th day of April 2025 that the expiration of the tenure of the Executives was announced.”

The legal pratictioner, however, noted that the election to be held on May 10 will not be up to one month.

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He, therefore, resigned his membership of B. 0. T for failure to abide by the above provisions of the Constitution as stated above.

On his part, the former President General of Uruagu Nnewi, Chief Ambassador Charles Nwonye, decried series of illegalities in the proposed election championed by Chief Okoli.

He recalled the efforts of past and present stakeholders to ensure that Uruagu Nnewi Community Development Union is recognised as a legal and responsible entity in the state.

He, however, speaking in a voice note obtained by Diaspora Digital Media (DDM), regretted:

“It’s very, very unfortunate that those counsels that instituted Uruagu Development Union are no longer alive.

“They were the ones who were known for speaking out the truth. But at the same time, we will not all keep quiet.

“I, hereby, wish to bring the following to the attention of all Uruagu indigenes, scattered all over Nigeria and in the diaspora that four years ago, a similar thing happened.

“Uruagu Nnewi Constitution was also flagrantly violated four years ago.

“At the end, a lot of stakeholders asked the former Executive Committee to resign and leave en masse.

“The Constitution, however, allowed them to recontest.

“The Executive Committee then honourably resigned and no one of us recontested, ushering in a new Executive Committee.

“They argued that following the election, the Constitution will be amended to correct all the flaws and ensure no such flagrant abused repeats itself.

“They went for the election and what happened there was the same illegality we’re talking about.

“Some of our youths went and connived with mischief makers, disrupted the election and declared the present Executive Committee members winners.

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“The youths stood by them in their misguided thoughts that the Executive Committee members enjoy special gains in the office.

“They disrupted the election and ensured that the present crop of Executive Committee members was ushered in.

“The election was heavily flawed and rigged in favour of Eloka Ike and Innocent Okoli, but we let go and left peacefully.

“The new Executive Committee promised to preside for only four years and leave, but we are currently seeing the same illegalities.

“I dare ask: Should Uruagu be known only for illegalities? I thought Ndi Uruagu are smart people?

“I have observed that there are certain individuals who are hell-bent on ensuring that the Uruagu leadership fails.

“They seem bent on destroying all our efforts, acting as agents of chaos and destruction.

“How can one man gather a bunch of Umuezeagu indigenes and take them to the court, claiming that they sued the union to court?

“They deceived the High Court and got a frivolous injunction against Uruagu people, all in the name of election!

“When I got this information, I knew that something was wrong.

“How can someone, after serving a tenure fraught with irregularities, fight his way to a second tenure against the people’s wish?

“I want to make it clear to all the delegates in the so-called election that it will not be possible to make an illegality legal.

“Anyone who casts a vote in that sham election is an agent provocateur, as well as a villain.

“Let it be on record that I denounced the so-called election founded on illegality and fraud and all participants, be it a delegate or participant in any manner is an enemy of the people.”

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Chief Okoli and other responsible people of Nnewi leadership could not be reached for comment at the moment of this publication.

More details will follow…

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Celebrity/Entertainment

Late Mbaise monarch—Eze Nwabueze Ugorji to be buried May 22, 2025

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The remains of HRH Eze Stephen Nwabueze Ugorji, Orji Ukwu 1 of Lorji Nwekeukwu Autonomous Community in Aboh Mbaise Local Government Area, will be laid to rest on Thursday, May 22, 2025.

The late Eze Ugorji will be buried in his palace at Orji Ukwu Estate, Lorji, following a Catholic funeral Mass at St. Andrews Catholic Church, Lorji.

News Band was informed that His Excellency the Catholic Bishop of Ahiara Diocese, Bishop Okezuo Nwobi, has been invited to officiate at the ceremony.

Bishop Nwobi, it was learnt, has also accepted the family’s invitation to officiate at the funeral rites of the late grand traditional ruler.

This information was provided to members of the press in Owerri by the Opara Eze (First Son of the Eze), former Commissioner for Homeland Security and Vigilante Affairs, Dr. Ugorji Okechukwu Ugorji.

His Lordship Bishop Okezuo Nwobi, the Catholic Bishop of Ahiara Diocese (Mbaise) and Eze Nwabueze Ugorji's First Son, Dr. Ugorji Okechukwu Ugorji

His Lordship Bishop Okezuo Nwobi, the Catholic Bishop of Ahiara Diocese (Mbaise) and Eze Nwabueze Ugorji’s First Son, Dr. Ugorji Okechukwu Ugorji

“The family is grateful to His Lordship for granting us a rare request to officiate at a funeral on a Thursday,” Dr. Ugorji said.

“Our father will feel honored and appreciated because he was not just a devoted Catholic, he shouldered the building of the St. Andrews Catholic Church at Lorji until his death,” the former commissioner added.

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Igbo Corner

EXCLUSIVE: Ngozi Orabueze dissolves Biafra Govt In Exile as Simon Ekpa may spend longer time in prison

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Mr. Simon Ekpa and Dr. Ngozi Orabueze

Dr. Ngozi Orabueze has abruptly dissolved the Biafra Government In Exile following secret information that his former boss, Simon Ekpa may not be coming out from Finnish detention in a hurry.

News Band reported that Mrs. Orabueze, a former Chief of Staff to Mr Simon Ekpa, the self-acclaimed Prime Minister of Biafra Government In Exile, toppled his principal after he was thrown into prison for promoting violent agitation and terrorism in the Southeast of Nigeria.

Ekpa’s trial is scheduled to start in May 2025.

Ngozi, a former chairperson of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Atlanta, United States in a statement on Wednesday, announced the dissolution of Biafra Government In Exile.

She said all assets of the Biafra Republic Government In Exile and it’s affiliates shall be transferred to the secretary of the State of the United States of Biafra.

Orabueze also directed all officers of the former exile government to report to their counterpart with the United States of Biafra for reassignment.

The statement reads, “It is resolved that the Biafra Republic Government In Exile (BRGIE) is hereby dissolved as it’s reason for the existence has been superceded by the November 29, 2024 Declaration of the restoration of the Independent United States of Biafra

“All assets of the Biafra Republic Government In Exile and it’s affiliates(BRGIE corporation ID: D237527271) shall be transferred to the secretary of the State of the United States of Biafra.

“All officers of the former exile government shall report to their counterpart with the United States of Biafra for reassignment. All activities of the Biafra Republic Government In Exile shall cease as of February 15, 2025”.

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Meanwhile, an insider source in the movement reliably told News Band that Ngozi decided to dissolve BRGIE after receiving intel that Simon Ekpa might spend longer time in prison.

The source also revealed that the Nigerian government is doing everything within it’s power to nail Simon Ekpa for all his atrocious acts in the SouthEast region.

So, the only way to keep the agitation going in the absence of Ekpa is to dissolve BRGIE.

“Yes, Ngozi Orabueze dissolved the Biafra Republic Government In Exile so as to be fully in charge of the assets belonging to the movement. With the way the Nigerian government is going about the case of Simon Ekpa, he may spend longer time in prison”, the source said.

Moreover, before now, Orabueze has been at war with some arrowheads of the separatist movement who refused to acknowledge her authority.

This however, has led to series of fights, accusation and counter accusations among the agitators.

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Igbo Corner

A tribute to Mrs. Roseline Udu Eze

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We celebrate the life of Mrs. Roseline Udu Eze, a devoted wife, mother, grandmother, and pillar of strength.

Her unwavering love, kindness, and selflessness left an indelible mark on all who knew her.

Though we mourn her passing, we take solace in the legacy she leaves behind and the cherished memories we hold. Rest peacefully in the arms of the Lord, dear Roseline.

You will forever be missed.

May her soul rest in perfect peace.

Amen.

 

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