I have observed with both amusement and concern the recent charade organized by The Mazi Organization (TMO), the campaign vehicle of one Chima Matthew Amadi, who harbors unrealistic ambitions for the 2027 Imo State governorship. On Tuesday, May 13, 2025, at approximately 1:00 PM, my journalist friends alerted me that TMO was hosting a press conference with me as the sole subject. By Wednesday, May 14, 2025, my name was splashed across the front pages of Imo State newspapers with ridiculous captions, including one suggesting that TMO was recommending my dismissal to Governor Uzodimma. The absurdity of an opposition aspirant presuming to dictate employment decisions to a sitting government reveals the profound emptiness of TMO’s leadership.

After careful consultation with political allies, government colleagues, and senior politicians throughout Wednesday, May 14, 2025, I have decided to issue this response. The issues raised by this wobbling organization are ordinarily too frivolous to warrant attention, but silence in this instance might be misconstrued as weakness in the face of deliberate falsehoods.

The genesis of this desperate attack can be traced to Thursday, May 8, 2025, when Cardinal Robert Prevost from the USA was elected Pope Leo XIV. On that same day, TMO’s official spokesman, Cajethan Duke, made inflammatory statements on his official Facebook page, suggesting that an American Pope would precipitate a schism in the African Catholic Church similar to the Anglican breakaway. He further made derogatory remarks about the impossibility of the Sistine Chapel’s white smoke ever producing a Black Pope. Screenshots of these offensive comments were preserved and are attached to this statement.

By noon on Friday, May 9, 2025, as bloggers began reporting that Duke was indeed speaking for his boss Amadi, TMO adopted a two-pronged damage control strategy: first, circulating insincere congratulatory messages to Catholic faithful, and second, desperately searching for scapegoats. The numerous anti-Catholic posts were later deleted, but my team had preserved two before then. The same spokesman authored an article titled “The Baseless Attacks on Dr. Chima Matthew Amadi: A Desperate Attempt to Silence A Voice for Change,” in which he accused an aide to Governor Uzodimma, Ambrose Nwaogwugwu, of fabricating allegations that Amadi had called for “the abandonment of Catholic Church and plans to turn churches into nightclubs.”

The incoherence of TMO’s deflection attempts became evident when, by Tuesday’s press conference at 1:00 PM on May 13, 2025, they had switched their accusation from Ambrose to myself, while still failing to address their original anti-Catholic remarks. Most telling was their inability to cite any specific publication, date, or title where these my alleged writings appeared, further exposing the vacuity of a group claiming readiness to govern Imo State. That they chose to attack me was purely as a result of what psychologists call “frustration-aggression”. I will explain below.

The desperation of Chima Amadi and his team to associate with me has a documented history. On Thursday, February 20, 2025, at exactly 5:00 PM, while I was seated with Nze Ray Emeana at Bromford Hotel’s bar in New Owerri planning his father-in-law’s burial, one Blyden Amajirionwu intruded on our meeting. Meanwhile, Emeana had given me a 4-page handwritten contact list to help him create a committee of friends for the burial. He also requested me to permit that my bank account be used for receiving support for the burial. I told him that my First Bank account was available for that. So, all those who contributed financially to the burial before March 22, 2025 paid to me. They were just two. One was N150,000 which was sent the the ushering service company called CLS by myself. And the other was N500,000 which I will explain shortly. So, those who contributed after March 22, paid to Prof. Goddy Onuoha.

So, that evening, the strange man named Blyden Amajirionwu introduced himself, admitting it was our first encounter, and confessed that the intelligence within his political camp was authoritative that, to track me down, Nze Ray Emeana needed to be trailed, and that he had trailed Nze Emeana to that place. He sat down and got talking. His mission, as explicitly stated, was to recruit me into Chima Amadi’s governorship team “by all means necessary.”

In a display of bizarre desperation, Blyden went down on his knees, begging me to help him accomplish Amadi’s directive. He said, Amadi had offered an immediate payment of N100 million plus any latest model SUV of my choice upon my agreement to join their campaign. He even placed a call to someone he addressed as “Onyeisi”, saying, “I have finally seen the almighty Collins Opurozor. I will call you back after now.”

In the course of his lengthy speech, he went on to disparage Ikenga Ugochinyere as “just Chima Amadi’s boy” with no real influence, adding that Ikenga’s ambition to be Amadi’s running mate would be crushed once “heavyweights” joined their camp from Orlu zone. He said he was personally bitter at Ugochinyere given that during the 2022 House of Assembly by-election in Ngor Okpala, Ikenga took huge amount of money from Chima Amadi to facilitate his loss in one ward. He said it was a painful and unforgivable experience.

Following this encounter, Blyden bombarded me with calls and messages. On Friday, February 21, 2025, at precisely 5:20 PM, he called three times within one minute on WhatsApp, then messaged: “Please call me. Blyden. Good evening.” I called Nze Ray Emeana to ask him how the man got my number. Emeana told me it was him who sent Blyden both my phone number and First Bank details to redeem the pledge he had made the previous day of supporting his (Emeana’s father-in-law’s) burial preparations with N500,000.

On Saturday, February 22, 2025, at about 6:43 AM, four intermittent calls from him disrupted my sleep. Later that day at exactly 11:55 AM, I received an alert for N500,000, which was his promised contribution toward the burial. He wanted to prolong the relationship, but as soon I spoke with him and acknowledged receiving his contribution toward the burial, I turned down his calls and ignored his torrent of messages till date. The transaction history of this amount is fully documented: N200,000 was transferred to Nze Emeana at 1:32 PM the same day for documentary production on the deceased; N250,000 followed on March 13, 2025, at 8:39 PM for burial preparations; and on March 20, 2025, at precisely 6:25 PM, the remaining N50,000 was paid to Nwadike Precious Uwadi, the Publisher of Watchdog Newspaper, for the funeral announcement, which appeared on March 21, 2025, with the headline “Nze Ray Emeana, Odim Anya Loses Father-in-law” and a rider stating “Burial Slated for April 24, 2025.” All transaction slips and the newspaper publication, including screenshots of Blyden’s incessant calls, are attached to this statement.

On Monday, February 24, 2025, as Blyden intensified pressure with irrational financial offers from Amadi, I received a similar call from an influential figure from Ideato. At that point, it was necessary to act. I immediately briefed my senior in government, the Commissioner for Information, Public Orientation and Strategy, Hon. Declan Emelumba, and we agreed on security measures. On April 15, 2025, at exactly 7:56 AM, a fellow APC member informed me that Amadi’s people were “desperately” seeking to speak with me, but I maintained my position that elections were too distant to entertain such distractions, and that the entire Amadi thing is a maze of antinomies that is irreversibly headed to its terminus.

Most alarmingly, on Sunday, May 11, 2025, Nze Ray Emeana called to alert me that Blyden had called him and revealed they were monitoring my movements, correctly identifying my visit to Gravity Hotel the previous day (Saturday, May 10, 2025) after the governor’s stakeholders meeting at the Palace of Eze Imo. Their assertion that they had “recruited those to be monitoring me” represents a disturbing escalation from mere political overtures to potential stalking. Two days later, on Tuesday, May 13, 2025, at 1:00 PM, they convened their press conference to attack me publicly, clearly frustrated by their inability to secure my cooperation. Ndibeanyi, elu uwa enweghi mmeta!

This pattern of desperate recruitment followed by vindictive attacks is nothing new in my experience. When I resigned from PDP on June 18, 2023, and joined APC on June 19, 2023, similar pressure tactics ensued. Senator Athan Achonu, the Labour Party’s 2023 gubernatorial candidate, called approximately 30 times without response before offering writing me a lengthy message to offer me a “blank cheque” to join his team. Yes, he asked me to write any amount I wanted. I did reply him till date. Suddenly, media hirelings of the Labour Party started insulting me every day.

Similarly, when the PDP’s national leadership attempted to lure me back with extravagant promises delivered through Acting National Chairman Amb. Damagum and National Organizing Secretary Col. Bature, my refusal triggered a five-month media campaign of character assassination. Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha is aware of this, because in one instance, they came through him. It was my refusal to return to the PDP that motivated the attacks they levied against me. Nothing changed.

Regarding Chima Matthew Amadi himself, close observation reveals troubling patterns. His campaign team consists primarily of political rejects: candidates denied party tickets, officials removed for incompetence, or aspirants rejected by voters in 2023. A governorship project that aggregates the politically unfortunate will inevitably end in disaster. More concerning is Amadi’s complete lack of any substantive blueprint for Imo State’s development, relying instead on publicity stunts like announcing N500 million Christmas giveaways or market cash distributions – tactics of bribery, not leadership.

His sole attempt at intellectual engagement through a town hall meeting exposed his ignorance of basic facts about Imo State, including its IGR, population, unemployment rate, GDP, and FAAC receipts – all fundamental to economic planning. I understand that if asked to navigate from major junctions like Banana Junction in Orlu, Umueze Junction in Mbano, Ahiara Junction in Mbaise, or Mgbidi Junction to his native village in Ngor Okpala, Amadi would be utterly lost – revealing his disconnection from the state he presumes to govern.

Serious questions must be raised about Amadi’s financial background. While publicly claiming wealth accumulated through Julian Matt Agricultural Resources Ltd, Corporate Affairs Commission records show this company was only registered in 2024. Where, then, did his supposed fortune originate? Leadership responsibilities affecting millions cannot be assigned based merely on a willingness to distribute cash. If such were the criterion, the Benin people would have elected the notorious robber Anini as their leader instead of executing him, as he too was known for market cash distributions.

Most disturbing of all is Amadi’s documented anti-Imo stance. In 2021, during the height of the state’s security crisis, while a senior police officer was making crucial progress against bandits, Amadi was comfortably ensconced in an Abuja hotel room advocating for this officer’s dismissal, describing him as “a fraud” who “deceives his kola-eating paymasters with starched uniforms and cheat IT gadgets.” Such comments reveal the true character of someone now seeking to govern Imo State.

If Chima Amadi genuinely wishes to participate in Imo politics, he should return home and begin by contesting for councilorship in his ward. Governor Hope Uzodimma had already established himself as a State Youth Leader of a political party in the early 1980s – over 40 years ago – demonstrating that political careers require gradual development, not sudden appearances accompanied by cash distributions to purchase loyalty. Nearly all significant political figures in Imo today began their journeys by 1999, gradually earning public trust. Amadi represents an anomalous case, relying on mercenaries rather than genuine political capital.

As Sun Tzu wisely noted in “The Art of War,” “No true victory is achieved with mercenaries.” Amadi has surrounded himself precisely with such hired hands, and ironically, has become their primary victim. A perceptive political analyst recently described him as Imo’s newest political “Mgbada” – the Igbo street term for a gullible mark in a confidence scheme. This reality will only become apparent to him after the 2027 elections, when his purchased loyalties evaporate and his political mirage dissolves into the nothingness from which it emerged.

Signed:
Collins Opurozor
May 15, 2025

The Commission held its regular weekly meeting today, Tuesday 25th March 2025. Among other issues, the meeting discussed the petition for the recall of the Senator representing Kogi Central Senatorial District.

The process of recall is enshrined in the 1999 Constitution, the Electoral Act 2022 as well as the Commission’s detailed Regulations and Guidelines for Recall 2024, available on our website. All petitions will be treated in strict compliance with the legal framework.

The petition from Kogi Central Senatorial District was accompanied by six bags of documents said to be signatures collected from over half of the 474,554 registered voters spread across 902 Polling Units in 57 Registration Areas (Wards) in the five Local Government Areas of Adavi, Ajaokuta, Ogori/Magongo, Okehi and Okene.

The Commission’s immediate observation is that the representatives of the petitioners did not provide their contact address, telephone number(s) and e-mail address(es) in the covering letter forwarding the petition through which they can be contacted as provided in Clause 1(f) of our Regulations and Guidelines. The address given is “Okene, Kogi State”, which is not a definite location for contacting the petitioners. Only the telephone number of “the lead petitioner” is provided as against the numbers of all the other representatives of the petitioners.

The Commission wishes to reiterate that the recall of a legislator is the prerogative of registered voters in a constituency who sign a petition indicating loss of confidence in the legislator representing them. Once the petition meets the requirements of submission, as contained in our regulations, the Commission shall commence the verification of the signatures in each Polling Unit in an open process restricted to registered voters that signed the petition only. The petitioners and the member whose recall is sought shall be at liberty to nominate agents to observe the verification, while interested observers and the media will also be accredited. At each Polling Unit, signatories to the petition shall be verified using the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).

Consequently, if the petitioners fully comply with the requirements of Clause 1(f) of the Regulations and Guidelines regarding the submission of their petition, the Commission will announce the next steps in line with the extant laws, regulations and guidelines. In the absence of a definite contact address, the Commission is making efforts to use other means to notify the representatives of the petitioners of the situation.

The Commission reassures the public that it will be guided by the legal framework for recall. The public should therefore discountenance any speculations and insinuations in the social media.

Sam Olumekun mni

National Commissioner & Chairman

Information and Voter Education Committee
Thursday 25th March 2025

The Association of Igbo Town Unions (ASITU) hereby expresses its strong and unreserved opposition to the Federal Government’s proposed establishment of ranches in Imo State, as part of its 2025 budget under the newly created Ministry of Livestock Development.

This decision, which involves the acquisition of land by the government for private cattle ranching, raises serious concerns about the fairness, legality, and long-term implications for the people of Imo state, and the Igbo nation in general.

Cattle rearing, as a private enterprise, should not be the responsibility of the Nigerian government to fund or manage. It is well-established that livestock farming is a private business, and the cattle rearing segment of it is primarily controlled by a specific ethnic group in the country. The government’s involvement in acquiring land and using national resources to establish ranches for private cattle farmers is both suspicious and provocative. Just as other businesses, including those owned by Igbo traders, must go through the normal processes of land acquisition, so too should the cattle business. The idea that the government should use taxpayer funds to support the private interests of a specific group, without regard for the interests of the indigenous population, is deeply troubling.

Imo State, along with other states in the South East, is already grappling with a severe scarcity of land for its people. Our communities face tremendous pressure to provide land for agricultural purposes, urban development, and infrastructure expansion. The further allocation of scarce land resources for private ranching, particularly for cattle business that is predominantly controlled by another ethnic group, is an injustice that must not be tolerated.

We are alarmed by the insensitivity of the Federal Government in imposing such policies on the people of the South East, without considering the consequences for our communities’ socio-economic well-being.

Furthermore, the question arises: Why should the Nigerian government, through its national budget, build ranches in Imo State or any other Igbo state for the private benefit of cattle owners, while Igbo traders, who contribute significantly to the nation’s economy, have to navigate the challenges of land acquisition and business establishment on their own? The government has never shown the same level of concern or support for the businesses owned by the Igbo across the country. If the government truly cares about supporting businesses, it should create an enabling environment where all businesses, whether cattle farming, trade, or agriculture, can thrive, regardless of the ethnic group involved.

To be clear, Igbo people doing business in other parts of the country follow the rigors and pass through the crucibles of individually acquiring land, establishing their ventures and running same without the federal government having to appropriate land or allocate resources to them. This holds true for the electronics and electrical appliances businesses of the Igbo at Alaba International Market (Lagos) and Wuse Market (Abuja); the textiles and fashion businesses in Balogun Market (Lagos) and Kurmi Market (Kano); the food and agro-businesses in Garki Market (Abuja) and Sabon Gari Market (Kano); the auto parts and repairs businesses in Ladipo Market (Lagos) and Bompai Market (Kano); the general merchandise businesses in Onitsha Market (Lagos), Wuse Market (Abuja) and Kurmi Market (Kano); and the restaurants and catering businesses in Wuse Market (Abuja) and Sabon Gari Market (Kano). Painfully, in some instances, areas where Igbo businessmen have privately acquired and developed are forcefully taken away from them by some state governments.

ASITU states without equivocation that anyone who wants to do cattle in the South East should privately seek and acquire land for that purpose, and the attempt to use state authority, state policy and state apparatus to expropriate our people from their ancestral lands and transfer same to other business interests is an intolerable dimension to the litany of injustices against our people.

This proposed ranching scheme in the South East now rekindles critical concerns about the broader issue of marginalization that has long been the plight of the Igbo people in Nigeria. It appears that the government is once again prioritizing the interests of a particular ethnic group over the welfare and rights of the indigenous people of the region. Such policies only reinforce feelings of exclusion and foster further division. We, therefore, reject this initiative in its entirety, as it undermines the principles of fairness, equity, and respect for the rights of indigenous communities.

ASITU demands the immediate cessation of this ill-considered plan to establish cattle ranches in the South East, especially Imo State. We urge the Federal Government to respect the rights of the people of the region and allow businesspeople, regardless of ethnicity, to acquire land through proper legal means.

The federal government must stop this undue fixation on promoting the business interests of one ethnic group at the expense of others, especially when the land in question is in short supply and is vital for the survival of local communities.

ASITU calls on the federal government to expeditiously address the unbearable economic plight of vast majority of Nigerians, and to focus on policies that will foster inclusive growth, create an enabling environment for all businesses, and promote national unity. We stand firm in our belief that no part of Igbo land should be appropriated for the private gain of any group without due consideration of the interests and well-being of the people of the region. The South East deserves better, and we will not accept, under any circumstance, any actions that seek to further marginalize us.

Signed:

Chief Emeka Diwe,
National President,
Association of Igbo Town Unions (ASITU).
March 11, 2025

The Federal Government of Nigeria notes with concern the outrageous allegations, misinformation, and defamatory statements being disseminated by Tigran Gambaryan, an American personnel of Binance who was recently tried in Nigeria for financial crimes.

While the Federal Government of Nigeria is reluctant to engage Mr. Gambaryan, due to the high-level diplomatic intervention that resolved his case, we are compelled to set the record straight to prevent his falsehoods from gaining traction.

The first visit of Mr. Gambaryan and his colleagues to Nigeria was at their own discretion, and the Government was not officially involved. However, when the Government’s attention was drawn to an alleged bribery demand during that trip, an investigation was immediately launched, despite there being no formal complaint from anyone.

Mr. Gambaryan’s second visit to Nigeria was part of a wider probe into the criminal manipulation of the Nigerian currency through peer-to-peer platforms like Binance, but investigators were frustrated by the tactics deployed by Gambaryan and his team.

Mr. Gambaryan was released by the Nigerian government in October 2024 on humanitarian grounds and following a high-level diplomatic intervention that ended with tangible benefits for Nigeria. The government rejected Binance’s offer of a $5 million down payment in exchange for Mr. Gambaryan’s freedom, in favour of a more beneficial settlement with the American government.

We categorically deny the retaliatory claims made by Mr. Gambaryan against Nigerian officials involved in his case, and we urge the public to disregard these false accusations in their entirety.

It is essential to note that Mr. Gambaryan’s allegations are not only unsubstantiated but also lack credibility, given his apparent motive to discredit and intimidate those who ensured he faced justice.

However, we are confident that both the Nigerian and American judicial systems will provide Mr. Gambaryan with a fair opportunity to substantiate his claims in court. Until then, we advise the public to exercise caution and not be swayed by Mr. Gambaryan’s unfounded and malicious claims.

Mohammed Idris

Honourable Minister of Information and National Orientation.

Friday, February 14, 2025

This is to announce that DPA International (DPA) has been retained by Ms. Linda A. Otieno, a Kenyan national, to pursue her child support claim against Mr. Pascal Chibuike Okechukwu, a/k/a Cubana Chief Priest, a/k/a Money Na Water, a Nigerian, in respect of their child, Liam Pascal Okechukwu, born on January 3, 2023, (hereinafter referred to as the “Child’).

After due consultations and a thorough analysis of the history of this case, we chose to make this public announcement at this point. In deciding to go public with this statement, we took into consideration the fact that when the story of the pregnancy for the Child first came to light in April of 2022, Mr. Okechukwu leveraged his money, power and social media influence to intimidate, malign, cajole, harass, threaten, scare, and silence Ms. Otieno, and ultimately forced her to stay away from Nigeria and not take any steps to pursue her child support claim against him. We see real likelihood of Mr. Okechukwu resorting the same tactics or worse at this moment when Ms. Otieno summons the courage to ask Mr. Okechukwu to provide support for their child.

Furthermore, there has been significant public interest in this case, as has been seen in the social media frenzy the story has attracted. It is therefore important to present to the public an accurate and fair account of what happened between Mr. Okechukwu and Ms. Otieno that led them have a child together. This will save the public the wild speculations and false narratives that have made it to the social media, as well as protecting the weaker party (Ms. Otieno) and the Child from the emotional harm that could emanate from the orchestrated falsehood by the stronger and more influential party.

Having stated the purpose of this announcement, let us make it clear what is not our purpose. Even though Ms. Otieno is unhappy with the way Mr. Okechukwu has treated her and their child, she still recognizes him as the father of her child. She respects him and she prays for him constantly. According to her: “He is actually a good person. He is much nicer person that who you see on social media.” She never thought that he would marry her and she has never pursued marriage with him as an objective. They were friends and they liked each other enough to share sexual intimacy. Her aim for coming to DPA is not to humiliate or tarnish Mr. Okechukwu. She only wants him to support their child, and she has done every other thing possible to get his attention, but he turned his back to them. The task of raising a child alone is too daunting for Ms. Otieno. She has been frustrated by the situation and she needs help for their child. Coming to DPA is her last resort after everything else has failed. Ms. Otieno also conveyed to us her regrets for how this whole thing must be affecting Mr. Okechukwu’s wife. She truly did not know that Mr. Okechukwu was married until after she discovered she was pregnant. DPA will try amicable approaches to resolving this problem, respectful of all the parties, particularly of Mr. Okechukwu in consideration of his public image. However, we must make it clear: if the amicable approaches fail, DPA will pursue approaches that could compel Mr. Okechukwu. That is something we do not pray for, but are otherwise ready for.

Ms. Otieno and Mr. Okechukwu met in Lagos for the first time on April 17, 2022. Ms. Otieno, then 28-years-old, had traveled from her home country, Kenya, to Lagos to visit her friend for a wedding event and use the opportunity to see the biggest city in Nigeria. She had arrived in Nigeria in February, 2022. She had planned to stay in Nigeria for few weeks. She had spent all but three days of her planned period in Nigeria when, on April 17, 2022, she met Mr. Okechukwu. The meeting occurred at Prime Chinese Restaurant in Victoria Island. She had gone to the restaurant for dinner. On her way out, as she was walking to the car, a man stepping out of his own car and came up to her and began to talk to her. The man asked her “Do you know me?” and she said no. The man was surprised that she did not know anything about him. He then introduced himself as Pascal. Ms. Otieno still did not know who he was, he asked her what country she was from. She told him Kenya. He seemed excited and he said her: “Welcome to Nigeria”. He took time tell her who he was. He then invited her back into the restaurant. But she told him that she was already on her way back to her apartment at 1004 Victoria Island, and that she was tired. But he pleaded with her, telling to give him just a few minutes. Out of politeness and considering his gentle manners and pleas, she followed him back into the restaurant, where the two talked further and got to know each other a bit better. They exchanged numbers and agreed to speak again soon. She then left and returned to her apartment.

As the two talked over their drinks at their first meeting, Mr. Okechukwu pressed on with expressions of interest in friendship with Ms. Otieno. He expressed strong desires to spend more time with her. Ms. Otieno informed him that while she would not have minded meeting him again and spending more time with him, it was unfortunate that they met just three days before she was to return to Kenya and that her ticket was set for her departure date. They continued this discussion on phone that night and the next morning. At this point, Mr. Okechukwu offered to pay to extend Ms. Otieno’s ticket so she could stay longer in Lagos. Ms. Otieno had enjoyed her first ever visit to Nigeria and did not mind extending her stay in Lagos. At this point, for Ms. Otieno, it was just a friendship with a “nice and interesting man”. The feeling of friendship and attraction gradually became mutual. Apart from her ticket that had to be extended, she also had to pay to extend her stay at the apartment. Again, Mr. Okechukwu offered to pay to extend her accommodation.

In the days following their first meeting, Mr. Okechukwu invited Ms. Otieno to Intercontinental Hotel in Victoria Island, Lagos. He would sent a driver to bring Ms. Otieno from 1004 Apartments in Victoria Island to his hotel and the same driver would take her back after her time with Mr. Okechukwu. During these initial meetings, Mr. Okechukwu would tell Ms. Otieno that she was beautiful and humble “unlike the Nigerian girls” and that he liked her gentle, humble and easy-going manners. He expressed strong romantic interest in Ms. Otieno and she eventually believed him. Though the issue of Mr. Okechukwu’s marital status was only casually mentioned in their discussions, Mr. Okechukwu gave every impression that he was not married and that he wanted a serious relationship with Ms. Otieno. He would constantly tell her: “I will take good care of you”. This is something every woman wants to hear.

On her second visit to Mr. Okechukwu’s hotel room, the two became sexually intimate. During their first time, Ms. Otieno demanded that Mr. Okechukwu should use condom. But Mr. Okechukwu adamantly resisted. He chose to have an instant HIV test with an instant HIV test-kit, which he had with him. They conducted the test on the spot. Ms. Otieno was still not comfortable with that. But Mr. Okechukwu was persistent and she ultimately relented. That was how the two began to have sexual intercourse each time they met at Mr. Okechukwu’s hotel room. For a period of four weeks cumulatively from 20th April, they had sexual intercourse frequently including on three occasions when she slept over in his hotel room. By paying to extend her ticket, paying for her accommodation and feeding, Mr. Okechukwu gradually gained control over Ms. Otieno and she began to depend on him. He extended her ticket for two months and paid for her accommodation for that length of time. Note that the concern they had at the initial point of sexual intimacy was about STD, and never about pregnancy. It is fair to say that they both understood that pregnancy was a distinct possibility of what they were doing, but decided not to worry about it. You cannot single out any one of them to blame for the pregnancy. It was a joint decision and it should be a joint responsibility in dealing with the consequences of their actions.

Before Ms. Otieno left Nigeria, she noticed she was pregnant. She told Mr. Okechukwu that she was pregnant and suggested abortion. Mr. Okechukwu said no to abortion. According to Ms. Otieno, Mr. Okechukwu said something to the effect that it is a taboo in his place to abort a pregnancy. He advised Ms. Otieno to return to Kenya and that he would take care of the child.

A few days after Ms. Otieno returned to Kenya, she noticed she could not reach Mr. Okechukwu because he suddenly blocked her access to him. Thus, the two had no further opportunity to discuss the situation in a rational way. Ms. Otieno was confused as to what to make out of Mr. Okechukwu’s behavior. She continued to seek opportunity to discuss the matter with him. Abortion was no longer a possibility at this time. After six months into the pregnancy, unable to reach him and unable to afford the cost of ante natal and worried that she might not be able to pay the hospital bills, Ms. Otieno became desperate. This was the time she reached she went on social media in utter desperation.

When the story appeared on social media and Mr. Okechukwu realized that Ms. Otieno had spoken to some bloggers, he got very mad. He then unblocked Ms. Otieno and began to communicate with her again. But this time, he was merely venting his anger for the publication and he repeatedly threatened to arrest Ms. Otieno for tarnishing his name. Ms. Otieno tried to explain to him the pressures that forced her to go public with their case. But Mr. Okechukwu remained angry and would mock her and call her names.

After she gave birth to the child, Ms. Otieno sent a message with the picture of the baby to Mr. Okechukwu. In her message she wrote: “Your son is here”. Mr. Okechukwu seemed ambivalent, not sure what to do about the baby. At some point he said something to the effect that he would need a test and if it is his child, he would take responsibility and “I will still give you another belle”. He sent her the sum of N300,000. Then, again, Okechukwu blocked her access to him and began to avoid her all over.

Mr. Okechukwu seemed to have gone to extreme extents to avoid Ms. Otieno. For instance, when Mr. David Adeleke, a/k/a Davido, performed a concert in Nairobi, Kenya, in March of 2024, Mr. Okechukwu who had followed Davido to all other concerts all over the world calculatedly avoided accompanying David to his concert in Kenya. Ms. Otieno had thought that the concert would be an opportunity to have a word with Mr. Okechukwu about their child. When Ms. Otieno realized that Mr. Okechukwu did not accompany Davido to Kenya, she tried to meet with Davido in order to seek his assistance in persuading Mr. Okechukwu to support their child. Davido knew she was at his hotel waiting in the lobby to see him. Davido avoided seeing her. In fact, on the day she arrived at the hotel and waited at the lobby from 11:00am to 4:00pm, Davido did not step out of the hotel until five minutes after Ms. Otieno left. That was when Davido came down and ran into a waiting vehicle. It is believed that Davido actively avoided her. While she was waiting at the lobby for Davido, another Nigerian musician, Mr. Iyanya Onoyom Mbuk, best known by his stage name Iyanya, met her at the hotel lobby with the child and had a conversation with her. She asked Iyanya to help her talk to Mr. Okechukwu. Iyanya seeing her and the child appeared compassionate. He was nice and kind. He carried the baby and said: “This na Cubana Chief Priest pikin”. As Iyanya went back into the hotel, she pleaded with him to inform Davido that she was waiting to have a word with him. She also pleaded with Davido’s clue members to put let Davodo know she wanted to speak with him. They took pictures of her and the child. So, Ms. Otieno believes that Davido was aware of her mission at that hotel that day, but carefully avoided her, apparently in order not to displease his friend, Mr. Okechukwu.

Apart from the incident in Kenya, Ms. Otieno had reached out to other friends of Mr. Okechukwu. She contacted one Tunde Ednut, a US-based Nigerian social media influencer, and requested him to help her put a word across to Mr. Okechukwu. But Tunde Ednut refused, not that he doubted the paternity of the child, but because he did not want to offend Mr. Okechukwu. Mr. Ednut replied her that “he has refused to have anything to do with the child” and then quickly deleted his reply. This was how, the friends of Mr. Okechukwu all refused to help because they did not want to offend Mr. Okechukwu. Interestingly, none of these friends ever expressed any doubt about the paternity of the child. They simply chose not to offend their friend by trying to get him to support his child.

From the beginning to the end, this case is about abuse of power and influence, leveraging of financial muscle and influence for nefarious purpose. Regardless of any doubts about the legitimacy of the origin of his wealth, there is no doubt that Mr. Okechukwu has a lot of money. He is seen displaying money on videos and making it clear to the world that he has limitless financial resources. It does not matter how genuine those displays are, the fact is that many young Nigerians have come to see him as a man with too much power who could do anything and get away with it. Hence, he could easily threaten people with having them arrested. As is well known, in Nigeria, there is no shortage of police officers who would arrest anybody once you pay them enough in bribe. Therefore, nobody would like to displease Mr. Okechukwu or to offend him. He has used this influence in clearly abusive way to try to silence his ex-lover in order to deny paternity and abandon his child. He displays power and influence in a way that leaves no doubt in the minds of many that he could harm you of you dared to oppose him. This certainly worked on Ms. Otieno and frightened her.

Ms. Otieno has suffered extreme hardship as a result of the fact that Mr. Okechukwu refused to support their child. She has been driven to depression and suicide ideation as a result of the hardship she faces. Currently, she struggles to feed their child. She works as an Uber driver in Nairobi just to make ends meet. The case between Ms. Otieno and Mr. Okechukwu has been like a struggle between an ant and an elephant. Hence, our readiness to help her.

On the subject of sexual exploitation, so much depends on power and influence. When it is a rich man with high libido and a poor beautiful woman, the exploitation is total and absolute. The structure of power is therefore critical in any legal analysis. Whether we are discussing the ongoing criminal case of Mr. Sean Combs, a/k/a Puff Daddy or this evolving civil case between Ms. Otieno and Mr. Okechukwu, the pattern is the same. Someone has so much power that he feels he could treat the poor like a door mat. Mr. Okechukwu has no doubt that this is his child. That is why he has not accepted to undergo a DNA paternity test. Instead, he feels confident that Ms. Otieno is too small to hold him accountable. He also takes advantage of the cultural prejudice against women in Nigeria, believing that when a man and a woman have sex out of wedlock, the woman would be condemned while the man is praised. Mr. Okechukwu hopes to ride on such cruel and unjust treatment of women.

We are calling on Mr. Okechukwu to respect himself and respect the law. He has only two options. First, he should accept paternity and work toward an arrangement for co-parenting. Alternatively, he should submit himself to a DNA paternity test. If he is not the father, he will not pay the cost of the testing. But if he is the father, he will pay the cost of testing and substantial compensation to Ms. Otieno for lying against her and for abandoning his child since birth. Also, given his threats to get her arrested, we are aware that he could go to any extent to harm either Ms. Otieno or her representatives, including paying the police or someone else to do it. We are taking every precaution. That is why Ms. Otieno’s case will be coordinated from the United States with both Nigeria and Kenya as fields of operation.

In agreeing to represent Ms. Otieno in this case, she signed an agreement with us that she will not give interviews or speak with the press without first clearing with DPA. The reason for that is that we do not want any confusion if any blogger or journalist tries to quote her. If you read anywhere that Ms. Otieno said anything to any blogger on this case, you should know that such is false. She will speak only through DPA for the time being.

Thank you.