Millions spent on lobbying as Latin American leaders seek Trump’s ear

U.S. government records as of Friday, May 16, 2025, show that several Latin American leaders have spent millions of dollars hiring top Washington lobbyists to promote their countries’ interests.

These interests are said to range from free-trade deals to security and energy assistance, under the Trump administration.

This information, based on Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) filings, was analyzed by The Guardian and the Quincy Institute.

Since Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign, officials from at least ten Latin American and Caribbean countries have registered under FARA.

FARA is said to require foreign agents to disclose their activities and payments to ensure transparency.

Jake Johnston of the Center for Economic and Policy Research noted a marked shift in lobbying under Trump.

“There’s a more transactional approach to influence,” he said.

He pointed out how personal connections between Latin America’s far-right leaders and Trump’s inner circle have opened direct access to the White House.

While not unprecedented, he emphasized the scale of this influence-peddling as unusually large.

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele stands out as one of the biggest beneficiaries of this strategy. Over three years, Bukele’s $1.5 million lobbying campaign has yielded a meeting with Trump in the Oval Office, a nuclear energy agreement, a commitment to support his mega-prison expansion, and a more favorable U.S. travel advisory.

Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa also gained traction after hiring Mercury Public Affairs.

This helped him secure a photo opportunity with Trump at Mar-a-Lago.

He also got approval for increased arms shipments amid Ecuador’s worsening security crisis.

Noboa further got a favorable U.S. intelligence report that coincided with his controversial runoff election victory.

Argentina’s President Javier Milei took a different route.

He reportedly spent tens of thousands to dine with Trump at Mar-a-Lago and appeared with Elon Musk at February’s CPAC conference in Washington.

These efforts paved the way for a $20 billion U.S.-backed IMF deal and a visit from Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to Buenos Aires.

An Oval Office visit and a trade deal are reportedly in the works.

Other countries such as Panama, Guyana, Honduras and Haiti, have embraced Trump’s deal-making style.

So also have the Dominican Republic, and Colombia—as well as Venezuela’s opposition.

Their aim is to support controversial domestic policies, improve their standing with U.S. lawmakers, and gain influence in American foreign policy.

One key figure in this lobbying ecosystem is Damian Merlo, an Argentinian-American and veteran Republican operative based in Miami.

Merlo renewed a $75,000-a-month contract with Bukele in June 2024 and had previously worked for Milei’s campaign.

Though Milei dropped Merlo post-election to smooth relations with the Biden administration, his ties to Trump world have since deepened.

It was reportedly aided by Tactic Global.

Tactic Global is a consulting firm that helped organize CPAC Argentina and hosted key Latin American leaders with Trump-aligned officials in Los Angeles.

Merlo, who was present with Bukele at the Oval Office, previously worked under Otto Reich.

Otto Reich is a Republican figure with decades of influence in Latin American policy.

Reich also introduced Mauricio Claver-Carone, a Cuban-American lobbyist, to Trump’s national security adviser, John Bolton.

Claver-Carone became Trump’s top Latin America official in 2018 and now serves as Trump’s special envoy to the region.

He serves alongside Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Another Trump insider, retired ambassador Carlos Trujillo, has been seen as a potential high-level appointee in the new administration.

Trujillo previously served as Trump’s ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS).

He now represents Haiti, Guyana, and the Dominican Republic through Continental Strategy LLC, which added 50 new clients after Trump’s victory.

It also made $3.6 million in the first quarter of 2025.

The firm also employs key Republican insiders, including Katie Wiles, daughter of Trump’s chief of staff, and Alberto Martinez, Rubio’s former Senate chief of staff.

Continental played a critical role in a $23 billion deal involving a BlackRock-led consortium.

It included client Mediterranean Shipping Company, to gain control of key ports in Panama, wresting them from Chinese influence.

Trump celebrated the move as part of his effort to “reclaim” the Panama Canal.

Panama, Colombia, and Honduras have employed a mix of lobbyists to retain bipartisan U.S. support.

In January, Panama hired Democratic strategist Manuel Ortiz and Republican David Urban as part of a $2.5 million deal with BGR Group.

A month before Trump’s election, Colombia extended a $60,000-a-month contract with Squire Patton Boggs, engaging both former Obama and Republican officials.

Honduras renewed a $90,000-a-month contract with former U.S. ambassador Hugo Llorens and veteran diplomat Tom Shannon via Arnold & Porter.

Although Latin America isn’t the top global region for lobbying in Washington, its efforts have intensified under Trump.

The region historically spends less to gain influence, but its leaders are increasingly investing in lobbying to secure attention and policy outcomes.

Johnston noted that Florida’s prominence in the Trump administration, and its deep ties to Latin American politics, has raised the region’s profile in Washington.

“Now that some of these folks are in government or have direct access to it, Latin American leaders will find more fertile ground to pursue their goals,” he said.

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