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Analysis

Some cautionary thoughts about reforming Nigeria’s Judiciary

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

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Former Chairman of Nigeria's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Sorry even years after his emergence as Nigeria’s military Head of State, in the third quarter of 1974, General Yakubu Gowon placed a telephone call to the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Taslim Elias. The subject matter of the call, according to Atanda Fatayi Williams, himself then a Justice of the Supreme Court (and future CJN) with whom the Chief Justice discussed the matter, was a complaint by the Head of State “about the manner in which the courts in the country were being used for the indiscriminate swearing of affidavits in which allegations of corruption were made against public functionaries.”

General Gowon’s agonists had their origins in events in his home state, Benue-Plateau (as it was then known). First, he had been forced to let go of a trusted minister from his state, Joseph Tarka, after one Godwin Daboh Adzuana deposed to an affidavit with quite damaging allegations of corruption against the minister. Gowon’s call to the CJN followed in the wake of another affidavit sworn to this time by Aper Aku (who later became the first elected governor of Benue State in 1979) accusing the then military governor of Benue-Plateau State and Gowon’s relation, Joseph Gomwalk, of what Fatayi Williams later described as “corruption on a vast scale.”

Rather than address the allegations of corruption, the General sought the help of his Chief Justice to shut down the disclosures. In the then incumbent, Gowon found a Chief Justice who was willing to go beyond the call of the law to fulfil the importuning of his Chief of State. Following consultations with his peers at the Supreme Court, CJN Elias convened a meeting of the Advisory Judicial Committee (AJC), as the apex mechanism for judicial governance was then called. Led by the CJN, the membership of the AJC included the Attorney-General of the Federation, all the Chief Justices (as they were then called) and Grand Khadis of the States; as well as the President of the Federal Revenue Court.

This high judicial conclave decided unanimously that “except in connection with proceedings already pending, the courts would no longer allow affidavits to be sworn in court by aggrieved citizens.” Public reaction was immediate and understandably visceral to a decision which was unconcealed in its design to instrumentalise the judiciary in order to hide inconvenient facts on behalf of the regime in power. To make matters worse, the AJC could not cite any legal authority or basis for their decision. They were collectively the highest judicial figures in the country and their word represented the law, or so they thought. It was abuse of judicial power on a colossal scale. Judicial authority was shot and it is arguable that it never recovered.

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When a new military regime overthrew General Gowon in July 1975, their narrative and rationale harked back to the corruption allegations and the desperation of the regime to procure a cover-up with the ex-cathedra assistance of the judiciary high command. An early casualty of the new regime was Chief Justice Elias whom they forced to abdicate. They also took the hacksaw to judicial tenure, retiring senior judges compulsorily.

Then as now the judiciary in Nigeria was the author of its own defenestration. The real scandal then was that the decision to foreclose disclosure of inconvenient facts in affidavits occurred without dissent among the AJC. It showed the regimental and cloistered tendencies of the herd at their finest, even one comprising people claiming to be learned.

The best that can be said of the immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria, Olukayode Ariwoola, is that he well and truly defanged the judiciary. When he was not in Port Harcourt cavorting with Nyesom Wike and his Group of Five Governors so-called; he was in Abuja dreaming us schemes to jump his next available family member or political satrap into a judicial sinecure. The unanimity of sentiment at his departure went beyond shame-faced relief.

Monday Phillips Ekpe writes delicately that the judiciary that Olukayode Ariwoola left behind made a habit of “rubbishing its own touted image” with “embarrassing and rampant unpredictability of judgements.” Onikekpo Braithwaite complains less delicately of a judiciary overcome by “mounting allegations of corruption, as well as the menace of conflicting judgements.” The Board of Editors of the Punch newspaper sadly acknowledge the reality of a judiciary characterized by “pervasive corruption” and of courts which “have become houses of rot and victims of state capture…. At 75 per cent, the judiciary and the Independent National Electoral Commission have the lowest public trust among Nigerians.”

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On the back of this chastening diagnosis, many senior lawyers have stepped in with a rich and telling bouquet of recommendations for the new CJN, running the gamut from the platitudinous to the patronizing and everything in between. Former president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), desires reforms that are both “transformational and radical.” As part of that menu, one of his later successors, Augustine Alegeh (SAN), wants attention to “delays in the dispensation of justice and the uncertainty of the judgements of our courts.”

These references to “uncertainty” in or “conflicting” judgements are coinages deployed by lawyers to avoid saying that some judgements are corrupt on their face. That, sadly, is the state of the courts that the new Chief Justice inherits. Indeed, a panel of the Court of Appeal has recently been constrained to describe as “scandalous” a High Court shielding former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello, from criminal proceedings.

But that is only a tip of the proverbial iceberg. In this state of transition in the highest judicial office in the land, three words of caution are useful.

First, a CJN in search of a legacy needs clear priorities. Many of the suggestions to the new Chief Justice focus on institutional or administrative re-design. In reality, however, the principal problem that ails Nigeria’s judicial system is that the guardrails and incentives for ethical judicial service have been destroyed by a concert of senior judicial figures, senior lawyers and senior politicians. Reversing this needs a new coalition for public good in the judiciary. Without a re-engineering of the incentive structure, every effort at institutional re-design is bound to collapse. That begins with attention to appointment, preferment, accountability and discipline. Restoring consequences for judicial malfeasance will be key.

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Second, a reverse engineering of the political capture of the Nigerian judicial system is essential. Evidence of this political capture is seen daily in the implausible decisions and improbable orders that issue in most cases of partisan political salience; in the speed with which such cases are assigned priority to the exclusion of the regular judicial docket; and in the improbable consistency in the line-up of judicial actors involved in these judicial concatenations. If politicians find themselves regularly before courts that are no longer beholden to their blandishments, they may be forced to rethink their approach to politics.

Third, a CJN who desires a constructive legacy must know whom to avoid. With some exceptions – such as the aforementioned Olisa Agbakoba and Augustine Alegeh – many senior lawyers who are now crawling out of the wood works were nowhere to be seen or heard from when the immediate past CJN was busy wreaking havoc. If anything, some of them could be described with some justification as having been part of his enablers. Much of what emanates from these kinds of sources at this time could be at best self-serving. A CJN who desires to succeed needs to seriously avoid occupational intimacy with these kind.

A Chief Justice who seeks to accomplish any of these will encounter challenges. One who desires to accomplish all may even struggle to survive in office. Such could be the extent of the political push-back. But that is why the task of reforming Nigeria’s judicial system is now clearly well beyond the technocratic or professional incest of lawyers and judges. It is now political and only a Chief Justice willing to enlist citizens in that urgent task can scratch the surface.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu.

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Analysis

APGA VS ADC: Can We Learn From Justina Azuka’s Defeat to Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe?

By Ifeanyi Chijioke

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Mimi Ifeoma Azikiwe

The Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election has come and gone, but the lessons learned from this election should be revisited. It should be used as a standard for future elections.

As opinion makers, writers must exercise caution when endorsing controversial views, as they may influence future standards. We have a duty to shape the future of our region politically, and it starts with getting the right people on board. Continuing with who needs to be continued with and dropping who needs to be dropped irrespective of emotion and emotionally charged interests.

I decided to touch this topic because we have not learned from experience, and one who can’t learn from experience will hardly learn. Politics should be devoid of emotion. Politics should be anchored on calculated people’s interest. When faced with a diamond’s brilliance, you wouldn’t choose silver, bound by its sentimental hold.

My good friend (writer) took a surprising decision I never imagined he would take by not only supporting Mrs. Azuka but whipping up emotional politics and choosing emotion over commonsense. It got to a point of accusing someone of murder, just to take advantage of public opinion.

Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe, in all ramifications, was a better candidate compared to others. She was the only one who could make a real difference in people’s lives and stand up for what they care about. None could stand with her in education, exposure, desire to impact lives, love for the people, service to humanity, and sacrifice for humanity. It’s a no-brainer, and neither is it a secret. It’s not rocket science; even the blind could feel the difference.

It’s my first time seeing my friend prefer emotion to facts and substance. He couldn’t give a simple reason Mrs. Justina Azuka was better placed to represent the people of Onitsha North Constituency 1; rather, his only reason was that her husband died and she should complete her husband’s tenure.

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By completing the tenure, he is saying the widow should get the salaries and financial bonuses left of her husband’s term. He is not saying the woman has the capacity to offer anything to the people but that we should be emotional and allow her to take the remaining money due for her husband’s term. It’s unbelievable, so it’s no longer about getting the right people into power to bring the needed change we desire.

When did political office become a condolence gift? Mrs. Azuka came up against a philanthropist whose election would benefit the people, and my colleague chose to emotionally back Mrs. Azuka to the detriment of the people. All of a sudden, he abandoned what is good for the people for partisan politics and emotion.

We should exercise caution in our words and writings to prevent exacerbating the challenges faced by our people. We need to vote based on merit to be able to tackle the backwardness we experience today in the country. No one should vote or support based on emotion.

For instance, many in the Southeast support Mr. Peter Obi to become the president of Nigeria because they trust his ability and his capacity compared to his counterparts, just like Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe was above other candidates in the bye-election

Then all of a sudden (God forbid), the presidential seat becomes vacant, and the opportunity comes for Peter Obi to occupy it, but my colleague wakes up and starts preaching the need for us to have sympathy and compensate the wife of the occupier.

I saw people talking about Mrs. Azuka being compensated, and that quickly drew me to the question as to what the people talking about compensation really know about politics and opportunity. Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe is a diamond we can’t afford to miss. She is unique, and it’s written all over her – she is a people’s representative.

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So, they know politics is about financial compensation, about permitting individuals to gain at the detriment of the public, about emotionally giving someone the opportunity to take what she doesn’t merit because she lost something. It’s a gift – in this case – a condolence gift. Imagine gambling with the fight for a better Nigeria.

Even those I thought had something upstairs were on the bandwagon. And the most annoying aspect of it is when I ask them why they supported Mrs. Azuka to occupy the position, they said it was because her husband died in office.

Mrs. Justina Azuka placed a distant second in the Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election. Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won the election by a discriminating margin—a landslide that didn’t reflect the noise and victim card of ADC.

Colleagues, why was there no coverage on fundraising efforts to support Mrs. Justina Azuka’s instead of a political condolence gift?

House of Assembly office is not only about making money; decisions that could make or mal lives are made there, and had you made the office a condolence gift package, it would have taken us backward in our political journey for a better tomorrow.

Nonetheless, what happened in Onitsha North Constituency 1 gives hope of a better tomorrow—knowing that the people are still able to make choices based on merit, and not emotion is something to be happy about.

My friends, the election is over; now is the time for a handshake in the spirit of brotherhood. We shake hands with mixed feelings; mine is sweet, while yours is bitter. Take it with a grain of salt—common sense prevailed in this election.

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The people of Onitsha North Constituency 1 are happy not because of personal interest, nor because of any interest; rather, because a good woman occupies the office based on merit and in the ultimate interest of the people.

I am happy because more prisoners unjustly imprisoned will be released and a new life given to them. I’m overjoyed that Ifeoma Azikiwe’s win will bring hope and relief to many facing challenges in our community.

Friends, it’s disheartening that your coverage of the Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election lacked insight, missing the chance to guide voters meaningfully. But the wise stood firmly for what is most suitable.

Mr. Azuka, may his soul rest in peace, died in the hands of kidnappers who have been rampaging the Southeast. While everyone condemned Hon. Justice Azuka’s murder by kidnappers, you amplified the politicization of this tragedy.

You could have embarked on fundraising for her instead of viciously smearing others. To end kidnapping etcetera, Governor Soludo went as far as establishing a security outfit. He opened skills acquisition for youths with start-up-funds to fight crime.

But in effort to use the Anambra State House of Assembly as a condolence gift, you, my friends, crossed lines and disgraced yourselves.

This same problem contributed to our mainstream political failure. Rather than thinking critically, we let emotions guide us and lost our way in the Onitsha North bye-election commentaries. Onitsha North Constituency 1 constituents have established a lead; we can learn from their desire for a better Onitsha- shun emotion and embrace merit.

The governorship election is coming, and even though the people have proved to be wiser than petty tantrums and lies, you people should change for good.

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Analysis

Of Canadian Court and Terrorist Branding of APC, PDP

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The branding of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as terrorist organisations has been followed by a repudiation of the Canadian court by officials of both parties. In doing so, they ignored the fact that action begets reaction.

This is a truth that has been tested and upheld over the centuries. Like they say, there cannot be smoke without fire. But one truth is eternal here –the fact that the world has become a village where everyone knows, and observes, what the other is doing.

Both APC and PDP may deny the facts as upheld by the Canadian court, but public perception, within Nigeria, tend to show that both parties have, in their expression of political power, progressively abused democratic rights, and infringed on the people’s right to violence-free elections as well as destroyed the people’s right to freedom to enjoy the proceeds of their willfully cast votes.

These acts may add up to what defines terrorism in the mind of the Canadian court, and under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA). After all, the simple definition of terrorism is “the use of violence and intimidation especially for political purposes to instill fear and coerce governments or populations.”

It is further described as “a calculated method aimed at achieving specific political social or ideological goals by creating a climate of fear.”

These understandings indicate that terrorism can be perpetrated by individuals groups or even state institutions.

The Canadian court may not have explicitly disclosed specific actions of APC and PDP governments that qualify them to be so branded, however, observed iinvolvement of their governments, and supporters, between 1999 and 2025, in the “subversion of democracy, political violence and electoral bloodshed” bring them within the context of the above definitions.

The Canadian court cannot, therefore, be wrong if, for instance, one takes into context the expressions of APC supporters in Lagos during the 2023 governorship elections.

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For instance, video recordings of MC Oluomo threatening Igbo people resident in Lagos with death if they stepped out to legitimately exercise their democratic rights in the governorship election, is still available on the internet.

It is also viewed by millions of people around the world including officials of the Canadian government.

This is just one of such cases. There are numerous others that qualify for assessment as terrorist actions for which no evidence exists of their repudiation by APC.

Canada’s IRPA sections 34(1)(b.1) and 34(1)(f), bar individuals affiliated with organizations engaged in terrorism or subversion of democratic processes.

The court, presided over by Justice Phuong Ngo, upheld the Immigration Appeal Division’s (IAD) findings that both the APC and PDP were implicated in “political violence, subversion of democracy, and electoral bloodshed.”

The ruling cited instances of ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and killings during the 2003 state elections and 2004 local government polls, under the PDP’s tenure.

That is now extended to the APC based on similar patterns of electoral misconduct.

That provides logical grounds to conclude at mere membership in either PDP or APC, regardless of personal involvement in violent acts, was sufficient grounds to trigger the labeling.

What this indicates is that the eyes of the world are upon Nigeria, and its political leaders no longer need to go on behaving like Nigeria is an island ostracized from the world, existing on its own and for itself only as their actions, may trigger reactions, like the instant one from the Canadian court, which could be expressed under national security interest and the protection of democracy.

The Canadian court’s decision hints us that Nigeria’s elections, even as seen in last weekend’s bye-elections, constitute a breach of democratic processes under Canada’s legal standards.

It is for Nigerians to understand that actions such as electoral violence, voter suppression, and manipulation of the electoral process are translated as subversion and meet the threshold for terrorism under Canada’s IRPA.

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This contrasts with Nigeria’s local context, where electoral violence, voter suppression and intimidation as well as other electoral infractions, though criminal, are often normalized as part of a ruling party’s prerogative, and show of popularity.

APC and PDP collectively control the presidency, governorships, and majorities in the National Assembly and state legislatures since 1999.

The terrorist label on them, even if limited to Canada’s immigration law, risks undermining their legitimacy. This is made worse by the fact that Nigeria’s politics is already plagued by public distrust with citizens viewing politicians as corrupt, lawless and self-serving.

For the APC, which has been Nigeria’s ruling party since 2015, the designation could embolden opposition narratives that portray it as a terrorist-enabling regime linked to violence and authoritarian dictates.

The PDP, as the main opposition, faces similar challenges, as the ruling reinforces perceptions of its past governance from 1999 to 2015, which was also marred by electoral rascalism and manipulation.

The implication is that this could erode public confidence in both parties, and potentially drive voters away from them and to new platforms like the African Democracy Congress (ADC) or strengthen the call for independent candidates in future elections.

The ruling also has the capacity to deter politically active Nigerians, particularly youths, from joining or remaining affiliated with either APC or PDP.

Guess this is why both parties have rushed to dismiss the ruling through press statements without any further action to have it set aside or make commitments about concrete steps that they would take to prove that the Canadian court was wrong.

Young Nigerians, who may be out in search of asylum in Canada, may be discouraged from identifying with the APC or PDP, or even to talk about their previous engagements with the parties with Canadian authorities as that may trigger fear of habouring dangerous persons with a history of association with a terrorist group thus jeopardizing their future prospects.

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This may also extend to foreign jurisdictions who may have such legal understandings that could make them to uphold the judgement of Canada’s courts.

This is part of the danger ahead, which could also negatively affect Diasporan Nigerians who identify with both parties causing them to suffer such things as visa denials, asylum rejections, or travel bans.

There is also the possibility that countries, which have legal understandings with Canada, may also adopt the ruling into their own legal jurisdictions.

If this happens, APC and PDP leaders, or members, could be effectively isolated from global opportunities and labeled terrorists and denied certain services like visa and other consular needs.

Besides, the ruling also implies critique of Nigeria’s democracy as fundamentally flawed.

This could encourage international organizations and foreign governments to impose sanctions, monitor elections more closely, or withhold development aid tied to democratic governance.

If such are adopted, they could further destabilize Nigeria’s political environment, and make it more difficult for the APC and PDP to project stability and legitimacy

Canada could also be seen as precipitating a diplomatic row with Nigeria with the ruling, which has the tendency to prompt retaliatory measures or diplomatic tensions while also discouraging diaspora Nigerians from openly affiliating with both parties.

This may negatively affect financial contributions and advocacy for both parties from the Nigerian diaspora.

This is particularly critical for APC, which had leveraged diaspora support to bolster its international image as a reformist party.

The PDP, which seeks to regain power, may also struggle to mobilize diaspora support because its members who fear immigration repercussions may go underground and withdraw support for it.

This, therefore, indicates that both parties may have to work together to appeal against the decision and show cause why they need not be branded as terrorist groups. They must not just verbally dismiss the ruling.

(The Sun).

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Analysis

Anambra Human Rights Violations: The NYSC And State Governors of Jennifer Edema Elohor And Her Fellow Corps Members 

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By Frank Tietie

A disturbing incident occurred recently in Oba, Idemili South Local Government Area of Anambra State, where operatives of the Agunechemba Vigilante Group, also known as Operation Udo Ga-Achi, assaulted a female National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member named Jennifer Edema Elohor and her colleagues.

A viral video, shared by the Haven 360 Foundation on August 18, 2025, showed armed vigilantes storming a corps members’ lodge, accusing them of being internet fraudsters (“yahoo people”) despite the victims presenting valid NYSC identification cards and uniforms.

In the footage, Jennifer Edema Elohor was beaten, stripped naked, and left covered in blood, subjected to humiliating and sexually degrading threats.

The Anambra State Government condemned the assault as “unacceptable” and confirmed that the operatives involved were arrested and detained pending investigation. The Anambra State Police Command is also investigating the case.

However, the incident has not sparked the expected public outrage, including calls for justice and compensation for the victims, as seen in the recent case of Comfort Emmanson, the unfortunate assault victim at the hands of Ibom Air attendants.

Perhaps since Haven 360 was discreet in sharing the video of the naked girls without revealing cleavages, there are yet to be announcements of compensation from good Nigerian males to the young women who were brutally beaten and sexually humiliated by a band of non-state actors who have had the tacit support and endorsement of the Anambra State Government.

However, more importantly, recently, the amiable Governor of Edo State, Senator Monday Okpebholo, set a new trend by taking responsibility for the actions of Vigilante Group members who killed 16 travellers from Northern Nigeria, particularly Kano State, as they were passing through Uromi in Edo State on a supposed hunting trip.

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As tempers flared across Northern Nigeria over the Uromi killings, the smart Edo Governor chose the responsible course of action by visiting the people of Kano State, not only to apologise and seek forgiveness on behalf of the Edo people but also to offer significant compensatory payments to the victims’ families. That was a masterstroke in responsible governance.

In Anambra, where young female graduates deployed to the state on a mandatory national youth service were targeted and attacked by a barbaric group of untrained and uneducated village men operating as a state-sanctioned security outfit because the state government could not guarantee security for the people, Nigerians, the NYSC, and the Federal Government must demand accountability from Governor Charles Soludo, the Governor of Anambra State.

Communities across Nigeria have long taken pride in accepting and caring for NYSC members serving the children and women of their communities as medical doctors, school teachers, agricultural extension service providers, etc.

A group of uneducated village men, armed with unrestrained power and intoxicated by illegal local authority, would easily stereotype these upscale NYSC girls serving in their communities as “yahoo yahoo people” because of their relatively urbane lifestyles compared to those of the villagers.

This must be a massive embarrassment to the people of Anambra and a call to review the NYSC Act to ensure the security of Corps members and to blacklist hostile communities and, by extension, some states and their people.

Returning to responsible governance, Governor Soludo must apologise to the NYSC and the Federal Government on behalf of the Anambra people.

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Even if the girls were culpable for a reason, the way they were sexually and physically abused is unacceptable by minimum legal standards.

The administration of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, as part of its duty to protect the well-being of Delta State residents like Jennifer Edema Elohor, must demand accountability on her behalf.

It should also ensure that the investigation reaches a proper conclusion, that the offenders are punished, and that suitable compensation is provided to the victims. The same procedures should be followed for other female corps members who were victims of the brutal assault.

The attorneys general of the states from which the corps members originate and the National Human Rights Commission must offer the necessary legal advice and support to enable the corps members to receive adequate compensation if their rights have indeed been violated by the so-called vigilance group of Anambra State.

In our pursuit to enhance Nigeria’s living standards, we must emphasise individual rights and well-being as the foundation of governance and development.

Frank Tietie, Esq.

Development Lawyer and Media Personality,

Writes from Abuja

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Analysis

All Roads Lead To Ikot Edibon For ARISE Town Square Meetings’ Finale

By Ofonime Honesty

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The pre-event news has gone viral. The banners are up. The people are waiting. On Saturday the 23rd of August, 2025, the Arise Town Square Meeting storms Nsit Ubium Local Government Council Grounds in Ikot Edibon.

It is the culmination of the epochal town square meetings and empowerment series convened by Governor Umo Bassey Eno across the ten Federal Constituencies in Akwa Ibom State.

The marathon of accountability and people-powered dialogue, which commenced in Abak-Etim Ekpo-Ika Federal Constituency in March 2025, berths in Etinan-Nsit Ibom-Nsit Ubium Federal Constituency, the home turf of His Excellency, the Governor.

It has been hectic and tedious, but do not expect a governor limping to the grand finale, weary and spent. Believe me, he will arrive bristling with confidence, joy, and high watts of energy, armed with a scorecard of promises kept, and ready for the people’s verdict.

This is not a jamboree; it is a day of accountability and massive empowerment for the people of the three Local Government Areas.

It will also be a moment of reckoning. The microphone, as it has been in other federal constituencies, belongs to the governed. Methinks the ARISE Town Square Meetings have proven that governance is a conversation, not a monologue. And on Saturday, thousands will throng the expansive Nsit Ubium Local Government Council Grounds for this all-important meeting.

Time for the meeting is 1:00 PM. See you there!

*(Ofonime Honesty hails from Ikot Udobia Community in Etinan LGA)*

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Analysis

Open Letter to Rev. Father Ebube Mounso

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Ebube Mounso

By Ifeanyi Chijioke

 

Dear Rev,

Firstly, I want to loudly and emphatically relay the message: Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won the election. You personally threatened voters with death.

The threat to not vote for APGA etcetera in Onitsha North Constituency 1 because of the ADC candidate came from your pulpit, and usually, our people fearfully listen and obey commands from the pulpit. But this time, they disobeyed and chose a kindhearted woman over you.

Rev., somebody might not have shared this blunt truth with you, so now listen up: the more you engage in this kind of vindictive politics, the more you lose relevance. The more you issue threats of death and the people don’t die, the more you abuse your pulpit and expose yourself.

Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won, and the people didn’t vote ADC. Today, I am still waiting for the count of those who died because they didn’t vote ADC. Rev. The earlier you realize that your battle is spiritual and not physical, the better for you.

There is a religious revolution that swept across the Southeastern part of Nigeria; gone are the days religious leaders sheepishly control the people. Stop living in your imagination; politics is not religion.

Rev., you built schools with the money of the poor and rich who attend your church, but you made the schools outrageously expensive for the poor and average, yet the people who fight to build alternative schools where the poor and average can attend are being fought by you.

I am not saying you shouldn’t have your opinion or belong to a political party or cabal of your choice, but learn to be godly and be principled.

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Stop threatening the people who disagree with you with ineffective spirituality or religion. Stop the dance of disgrace and shame. Stop the grandstanding and be principled for once.

Finally, let me bring to your notice that people online have been insulting you and making a mockery of you. They are saying that a woman floored you. They are saying that Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe is a class your money and threats couldn’t shake.

They said nobody takes you seriously anymore because you have disgraced yourself and rolled yourself on the muddy ground of church politics.

Your close associates might be fearful to tell you that you are destroying everything left of you, but it’s alright; you can accept it with a pinch of salt from me. You are truly destroying everything left of you.

Today is still early. You can make amends and reach out to those you offended or are warring with. Make peace with everyone and diplomatically go about the business of politics.

As a Rev. Father, you have the right to vote and be voted for. You have the right of association—to belong to any political party. But you don’t have the right to threaten the electorate under the guise of religion.

The people will continue to vote based on their convictions and scorecards of candidates, and not based on your pulpit threats and religious leanings.

Thanks.

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