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Analysis

History, hissy fits, and hatchery about the Igbo, by Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

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*“A historian ought to be exact, sincere and impartial; free from passion, unbiased by interest, fear, resentment or affection; and faithful to the truth, which is the mother of history the preserver of great actions, the enemy of oblivion, the witness of the past, the director of the future.” – Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar

History is endangered in Nigeria and those who research or teach it as their vocation are at risk of extinction. Every opportunity to celebrate or learn from history or historians in a country like this, therefore, is not one to be spurned.

When the Usman Dan Fodiyo University (UDUS) in Sokoto, north-west Nigeria, announced that the latest instalment of its Inaugural Lectures would engage with the universe of history, a coincidence of three factors guaranteed them more than the usual bandwidth reserved for such events.

First, this was advertised as the 50th Inaugural Lecture in what is effectively the 50th year of the university. UDUS began life in 1975 as one of twelve federal universities established by the military in the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War with a mission to disperse the frontiers of enlightenment across the country. Usman Dan Fodiyo after whom it is named was the founder of the Caliphal system and a scholar of some repute.

Second, the subject matter of the Inaugural Lecture had audacity written all over it. The framing was: “The Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano.” It departed from the usual preoccupation with academic comfort levels and promised a peek into delicate.

Third, this was only the second Inaugural Lecture from the History Department of UDUS and the lecturer was a man who had spent over 43 years teaching and researching Nigerian history. He had every right to be taken seriously. Moreover, this was the teacher of Mahmood Yakubu, the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), no less. Here was an opportunity to find out whether the legend of the INEC chairman as an alchemist of fantasy was a product of nature or nurture.

By the time he stepped up to the podium in Sokoto for his lecture on 5 September, 2024, Professor Ahmed Bako was guaranteed an audience like none that he had encountered in nearly four and a half decades as a university teacher. A full auditorium in the university was more than outstripped by the remote audience.

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The esteemed lecturer began by acknowledging that his subject matter was one steeped in “extreme prejudice and emotions”, particularly, “in recent years when a lot of stories are being told or rumours being peddled on Igbo Community in different parts of the country.”

Far from fidelity to his promise to put matters “in proper perspectives” (sic), the lecturer wasted no time in fulsomely embracing the prejudice.

Growing up, he confessed, he “heard a lot of frightening stories about Igbo as wicked people who killed Sardauna.” On the evidence of his rendition, this tragedy was not the origin of their wickedness; it was proof of it.

According to Professor Bako, the Igbo in Kano are a “diaspora”, which calls into question any claims they may have to Nigerian citizenship. The pioneer Igbo cultural organization in Kano, the Igbo (State) Union, was both clannish and “extremely militant” and the contemporary pan-Igbo socio-cultural institution, Ohanaeze Nd’Igbo, is a “separatist” organization.

He was only warming up. The Igbo, he theorized, “embarrassed” (sic) education “all with the hope of eventual domination of the country; not necessarily for developing it for the benefit of the nation.” Deploying “ethnic solidarity”, he claimed, the Igbo “gradually marginalized or even displace (sic) large number of Hausa traders.”

Far from an Inaugural Lecture, this read very much like a 21st Century Bill of Attainder. There was hardly a constructive contribution to be gleaned from his study of or occasional interaction with the Igbo. Even the Igbo Union School built entirely form community resources of the Igbo and launched in 1959 was dismissed as “exclusively meant for the Igbo, the school had only 9 non-Igbo students.”

In the absence of any organizing theoretical or philosophical framework, the lecture read like a long-suppressed eruption that finally found an occasion to occur. Its context, sub-text, and texture belied its ostentatious claim early in the text that it was “purely historical not political. It is base (sic) on Archival (sic) and field research.”

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Blinkered by prejudice, Professor Bako could not muster the curiosity to interpret his own evidence. Earlier in his lecture, he acknowledged “the colonial residential segregation policy that established different enclaves for migrants”, which effectively binned the Igbo in Kano into an ethnic ghetto in Sabon Gari. He could not have been so bereft of imagination as to be unable to discern it was ethnic discrimination that forced the community to build the Igbo Union School. In striving parents who sought to afford education to their children who may otherwise have missed out on it altogether, all he had the capacity to see was ethnic malevolence.

Professor Bako trotted out hackneyed tropes with a recklessness that dispensed with evidence, authority or comparison. For instance, he claimed that “searching for economic power and dominance make the Igbo to be desperate and aggressive. Desperation is what make (sic) them to not only be disliked by host communities in several of the areas of their dominance in Northern Nigeria but to pushed (sic) some young Igbo into criminal activities.” In support of this claim, he provides neither archival material nor evidence from anthropology, criminology or comparative criminal justice research. It was difficult to believe this was an Inaugural Lecture.

In Professor Bako’s fantastic world, these Igbo are an ethnic group in perpetual conspiracy. In reality, he comes across as projecting his own ethnic self-image onto the Igbo, reflecting at the same time the crisis of a country that cannot make up its mind about this ethnic group. The classic Nigerian trope about the Igbo is of an ethnic nationality almost congenitally incapable of unity. In Professor Bako’s world, however, all they do is conspire on the altar of ethnic solidarity and before the god of domination.

Blinded by this, the professor could not imagine alternative explanations outside his conspiratorial theory of Igbo domination. The lecture mentions “Igbo” 427 times and contains 16 references to words “dominate”, “dominance” or “domination” but finds no citation, authority or evidence to support its connection between Igbo and domination.

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The only currency it trades in is homogenization. Magically, it deploys “Igbo” as singular, plural, and collective. It’s a sorcerer’s epic.

Professor Bako’s history of Igbo interaction with Kano coincides rather conveniently with the onset colonial urbanisation in Nigeria. The text is too lazy to even speculate as to whether or not there was any interaction before this time. If he had allowed himself to think outside the frame of homogenized Igbo identity, the professor may have realized that different Igbo communities came to education (and to Kano) at different times.

The Onitsha on the banks of the Niger, for instance, were relatively early recipients of Western education. Their neighbours in Obosi came to it a little later and pursued it aggressively not to dominate Nigeria (a notion that was alien to them) but to compete more equitably with the Onitsha. The idea that the Wawa, the Aro, the Ngwa and the Onitsha (all Igbos sub-groups) conspired to head to Kano to pursue domination makes meaning only to someone who is willfully illiterate about Igbo inter-group relations.

In 2012, an evidently unwell Emir Ado Bayero traveled to Enugu to attend the funeral of Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, whose leadership in the Nigerian Civil War has Professor Bako throwing hissy fits. In January 1966, Ojukwu was the Brigade Commander in Kano who saved Bayero’s life and precluded Chukwuma Nzeogwu’s subaltern, Captain Ude, from coup operations in Kano. Ojukwu was himself fluent in Hausa and may indeed also have fathered a child in Kano. None of this merited acknowledgement in Professor Bako’s elevated piece of pitiable hatchetry. The students who endured him for over four decades deserve our thoughts and prayers.

One thing is clear, however, after surviving Professor Bako: the provenance of this current INEC Chairman is settled.

*A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

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Analysis

APGA VS ADC: Can We Learn From Justina Azuka’s Defeat to Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe?

By Ifeanyi Chijioke

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Mimi Ifeoma Azikiwe

The Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election has come and gone, but the lessons learned from this election should be revisited. It should be used as a standard for future elections.

As opinion makers, writers must exercise caution when endorsing controversial views, as they may influence future standards. We have a duty to shape the future of our region politically, and it starts with getting the right people on board. Continuing with who needs to be continued with and dropping who needs to be dropped irrespective of emotion and emotionally charged interests.

I decided to touch this topic because we have not learned from experience, and one who can’t learn from experience will hardly learn. Politics should be devoid of emotion. Politics should be anchored on calculated people’s interest. When faced with a diamond’s brilliance, you wouldn’t choose silver, bound by its sentimental hold.

My good friend (writer) took a surprising decision I never imagined he would take by not only supporting Mrs. Azuka but whipping up emotional politics and choosing emotion over commonsense. It got to a point of accusing someone of murder, just to take advantage of public opinion.

Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe, in all ramifications, was a better candidate compared to others. She was the only one who could make a real difference in people’s lives and stand up for what they care about. None could stand with her in education, exposure, desire to impact lives, love for the people, service to humanity, and sacrifice for humanity. It’s a no-brainer, and neither is it a secret. It’s not rocket science; even the blind could feel the difference.

It’s my first time seeing my friend prefer emotion to facts and substance. He couldn’t give a simple reason Mrs. Justina Azuka was better placed to represent the people of Onitsha North Constituency 1; rather, his only reason was that her husband died and she should complete her husband’s tenure.

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By completing the tenure, he is saying the widow should get the salaries and financial bonuses left of her husband’s term. He is not saying the woman has the capacity to offer anything to the people but that we should be emotional and allow her to take the remaining money due for her husband’s term. It’s unbelievable, so it’s no longer about getting the right people into power to bring the needed change we desire.

When did political office become a condolence gift? Mrs. Azuka came up against a philanthropist whose election would benefit the people, and my colleague chose to emotionally back Mrs. Azuka to the detriment of the people. All of a sudden, he abandoned what is good for the people for partisan politics and emotion.

We should exercise caution in our words and writings to prevent exacerbating the challenges faced by our people. We need to vote based on merit to be able to tackle the backwardness we experience today in the country. No one should vote or support based on emotion.

For instance, many in the Southeast support Mr. Peter Obi to become the president of Nigeria because they trust his ability and his capacity compared to his counterparts, just like Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe was above other candidates in the bye-election

Then all of a sudden (God forbid), the presidential seat becomes vacant, and the opportunity comes for Peter Obi to occupy it, but my colleague wakes up and starts preaching the need for us to have sympathy and compensate the wife of the occupier.

I saw people talking about Mrs. Azuka being compensated, and that quickly drew me to the question as to what the people talking about compensation really know about politics and opportunity. Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe is a diamond we can’t afford to miss. She is unique, and it’s written all over her – she is a people’s representative.

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So, they know politics is about financial compensation, about permitting individuals to gain at the detriment of the public, about emotionally giving someone the opportunity to take what she doesn’t merit because she lost something. It’s a gift – in this case – a condolence gift. Imagine gambling with the fight for a better Nigeria.

Even those I thought had something upstairs were on the bandwagon. And the most annoying aspect of it is when I ask them why they supported Mrs. Azuka to occupy the position, they said it was because her husband died in office.

Mrs. Justina Azuka placed a distant second in the Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election. Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won the election by a discriminating margin—a landslide that didn’t reflect the noise and victim card of ADC.

Colleagues, why was there no coverage on fundraising efforts to support Mrs. Justina Azuka’s instead of a political condolence gift?

House of Assembly office is not only about making money; decisions that could make or mal lives are made there, and had you made the office a condolence gift package, it would have taken us backward in our political journey for a better tomorrow.

Nonetheless, what happened in Onitsha North Constituency 1 gives hope of a better tomorrow—knowing that the people are still able to make choices based on merit, and not emotion is something to be happy about.

My friends, the election is over; now is the time for a handshake in the spirit of brotherhood. We shake hands with mixed feelings; mine is sweet, while yours is bitter. Take it with a grain of salt—common sense prevailed in this election.

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The people of Onitsha North Constituency 1 are happy not because of personal interest, nor because of any interest; rather, because a good woman occupies the office based on merit and in the ultimate interest of the people.

I am happy because more prisoners unjustly imprisoned will be released and a new life given to them. I’m overjoyed that Ifeoma Azikiwe’s win will bring hope and relief to many facing challenges in our community.

Friends, it’s disheartening that your coverage of the Onitsha North Constituency 1 bye-election lacked insight, missing the chance to guide voters meaningfully. But the wise stood firmly for what is most suitable.

Mr. Azuka, may his soul rest in peace, died in the hands of kidnappers who have been rampaging the Southeast. While everyone condemned Hon. Justice Azuka’s murder by kidnappers, you amplified the politicization of this tragedy.

You could have embarked on fundraising for her instead of viciously smearing others. To end kidnapping etcetera, Governor Soludo went as far as establishing a security outfit. He opened skills acquisition for youths with start-up-funds to fight crime.

But in effort to use the Anambra State House of Assembly as a condolence gift, you, my friends, crossed lines and disgraced yourselves.

This same problem contributed to our mainstream political failure. Rather than thinking critically, we let emotions guide us and lost our way in the Onitsha North bye-election commentaries. Onitsha North Constituency 1 constituents have established a lead; we can learn from their desire for a better Onitsha- shun emotion and embrace merit.

The governorship election is coming, and even though the people have proved to be wiser than petty tantrums and lies, you people should change for good.

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Analysis

Of Canadian Court and Terrorist Branding of APC, PDP

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The branding of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as terrorist organisations has been followed by a repudiation of the Canadian court by officials of both parties. In doing so, they ignored the fact that action begets reaction.

This is a truth that has been tested and upheld over the centuries. Like they say, there cannot be smoke without fire. But one truth is eternal here –the fact that the world has become a village where everyone knows, and observes, what the other is doing.

Both APC and PDP may deny the facts as upheld by the Canadian court, but public perception, within Nigeria, tend to show that both parties have, in their expression of political power, progressively abused democratic rights, and infringed on the people’s right to violence-free elections as well as destroyed the people’s right to freedom to enjoy the proceeds of their willfully cast votes.

These acts may add up to what defines terrorism in the mind of the Canadian court, and under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA). After all, the simple definition of terrorism is “the use of violence and intimidation especially for political purposes to instill fear and coerce governments or populations.”

It is further described as “a calculated method aimed at achieving specific political social or ideological goals by creating a climate of fear.”

These understandings indicate that terrorism can be perpetrated by individuals groups or even state institutions.

The Canadian court may not have explicitly disclosed specific actions of APC and PDP governments that qualify them to be so branded, however, observed iinvolvement of their governments, and supporters, between 1999 and 2025, in the “subversion of democracy, political violence and electoral bloodshed” bring them within the context of the above definitions.

The Canadian court cannot, therefore, be wrong if, for instance, one takes into context the expressions of APC supporters in Lagos during the 2023 governorship elections.

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For instance, video recordings of MC Oluomo threatening Igbo people resident in Lagos with death if they stepped out to legitimately exercise their democratic rights in the governorship election, is still available on the internet.

It is also viewed by millions of people around the world including officials of the Canadian government.

This is just one of such cases. There are numerous others that qualify for assessment as terrorist actions for which no evidence exists of their repudiation by APC.

Canada’s IRPA sections 34(1)(b.1) and 34(1)(f), bar individuals affiliated with organizations engaged in terrorism or subversion of democratic processes.

The court, presided over by Justice Phuong Ngo, upheld the Immigration Appeal Division’s (IAD) findings that both the APC and PDP were implicated in “political violence, subversion of democracy, and electoral bloodshed.”

The ruling cited instances of ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and killings during the 2003 state elections and 2004 local government polls, under the PDP’s tenure.

That is now extended to the APC based on similar patterns of electoral misconduct.

That provides logical grounds to conclude at mere membership in either PDP or APC, regardless of personal involvement in violent acts, was sufficient grounds to trigger the labeling.

What this indicates is that the eyes of the world are upon Nigeria, and its political leaders no longer need to go on behaving like Nigeria is an island ostracized from the world, existing on its own and for itself only as their actions, may trigger reactions, like the instant one from the Canadian court, which could be expressed under national security interest and the protection of democracy.

The Canadian court’s decision hints us that Nigeria’s elections, even as seen in last weekend’s bye-elections, constitute a breach of democratic processes under Canada’s legal standards.

It is for Nigerians to understand that actions such as electoral violence, voter suppression, and manipulation of the electoral process are translated as subversion and meet the threshold for terrorism under Canada’s IRPA.

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This contrasts with Nigeria’s local context, where electoral violence, voter suppression and intimidation as well as other electoral infractions, though criminal, are often normalized as part of a ruling party’s prerogative, and show of popularity.

APC and PDP collectively control the presidency, governorships, and majorities in the National Assembly and state legislatures since 1999.

The terrorist label on them, even if limited to Canada’s immigration law, risks undermining their legitimacy. This is made worse by the fact that Nigeria’s politics is already plagued by public distrust with citizens viewing politicians as corrupt, lawless and self-serving.

For the APC, which has been Nigeria’s ruling party since 2015, the designation could embolden opposition narratives that portray it as a terrorist-enabling regime linked to violence and authoritarian dictates.

The PDP, as the main opposition, faces similar challenges, as the ruling reinforces perceptions of its past governance from 1999 to 2015, which was also marred by electoral rascalism and manipulation.

The implication is that this could erode public confidence in both parties, and potentially drive voters away from them and to new platforms like the African Democracy Congress (ADC) or strengthen the call for independent candidates in future elections.

The ruling also has the capacity to deter politically active Nigerians, particularly youths, from joining or remaining affiliated with either APC or PDP.

Guess this is why both parties have rushed to dismiss the ruling through press statements without any further action to have it set aside or make commitments about concrete steps that they would take to prove that the Canadian court was wrong.

Young Nigerians, who may be out in search of asylum in Canada, may be discouraged from identifying with the APC or PDP, or even to talk about their previous engagements with the parties with Canadian authorities as that may trigger fear of habouring dangerous persons with a history of association with a terrorist group thus jeopardizing their future prospects.

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This may also extend to foreign jurisdictions who may have such legal understandings that could make them to uphold the judgement of Canada’s courts.

This is part of the danger ahead, which could also negatively affect Diasporan Nigerians who identify with both parties causing them to suffer such things as visa denials, asylum rejections, or travel bans.

There is also the possibility that countries, which have legal understandings with Canada, may also adopt the ruling into their own legal jurisdictions.

If this happens, APC and PDP leaders, or members, could be effectively isolated from global opportunities and labeled terrorists and denied certain services like visa and other consular needs.

Besides, the ruling also implies critique of Nigeria’s democracy as fundamentally flawed.

This could encourage international organizations and foreign governments to impose sanctions, monitor elections more closely, or withhold development aid tied to democratic governance.

If such are adopted, they could further destabilize Nigeria’s political environment, and make it more difficult for the APC and PDP to project stability and legitimacy

Canada could also be seen as precipitating a diplomatic row with Nigeria with the ruling, which has the tendency to prompt retaliatory measures or diplomatic tensions while also discouraging diaspora Nigerians from openly affiliating with both parties.

This may negatively affect financial contributions and advocacy for both parties from the Nigerian diaspora.

This is particularly critical for APC, which had leveraged diaspora support to bolster its international image as a reformist party.

The PDP, which seeks to regain power, may also struggle to mobilize diaspora support because its members who fear immigration repercussions may go underground and withdraw support for it.

This, therefore, indicates that both parties may have to work together to appeal against the decision and show cause why they need not be branded as terrorist groups. They must not just verbally dismiss the ruling.

(The Sun).

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Analysis

Anambra Human Rights Violations: The NYSC And State Governors of Jennifer Edema Elohor And Her Fellow Corps Members 

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By Frank Tietie

A disturbing incident occurred recently in Oba, Idemili South Local Government Area of Anambra State, where operatives of the Agunechemba Vigilante Group, also known as Operation Udo Ga-Achi, assaulted a female National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member named Jennifer Edema Elohor and her colleagues.

A viral video, shared by the Haven 360 Foundation on August 18, 2025, showed armed vigilantes storming a corps members’ lodge, accusing them of being internet fraudsters (“yahoo people”) despite the victims presenting valid NYSC identification cards and uniforms.

In the footage, Jennifer Edema Elohor was beaten, stripped naked, and left covered in blood, subjected to humiliating and sexually degrading threats.

The Anambra State Government condemned the assault as “unacceptable” and confirmed that the operatives involved were arrested and detained pending investigation. The Anambra State Police Command is also investigating the case.

However, the incident has not sparked the expected public outrage, including calls for justice and compensation for the victims, as seen in the recent case of Comfort Emmanson, the unfortunate assault victim at the hands of Ibom Air attendants.

Perhaps since Haven 360 was discreet in sharing the video of the naked girls without revealing cleavages, there are yet to be announcements of compensation from good Nigerian males to the young women who were brutally beaten and sexually humiliated by a band of non-state actors who have had the tacit support and endorsement of the Anambra State Government.

However, more importantly, recently, the amiable Governor of Edo State, Senator Monday Okpebholo, set a new trend by taking responsibility for the actions of Vigilante Group members who killed 16 travellers from Northern Nigeria, particularly Kano State, as they were passing through Uromi in Edo State on a supposed hunting trip.

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As tempers flared across Northern Nigeria over the Uromi killings, the smart Edo Governor chose the responsible course of action by visiting the people of Kano State, not only to apologise and seek forgiveness on behalf of the Edo people but also to offer significant compensatory payments to the victims’ families. That was a masterstroke in responsible governance.

In Anambra, where young female graduates deployed to the state on a mandatory national youth service were targeted and attacked by a barbaric group of untrained and uneducated village men operating as a state-sanctioned security outfit because the state government could not guarantee security for the people, Nigerians, the NYSC, and the Federal Government must demand accountability from Governor Charles Soludo, the Governor of Anambra State.

Communities across Nigeria have long taken pride in accepting and caring for NYSC members serving the children and women of their communities as medical doctors, school teachers, agricultural extension service providers, etc.

A group of uneducated village men, armed with unrestrained power and intoxicated by illegal local authority, would easily stereotype these upscale NYSC girls serving in their communities as “yahoo yahoo people” because of their relatively urbane lifestyles compared to those of the villagers.

This must be a massive embarrassment to the people of Anambra and a call to review the NYSC Act to ensure the security of Corps members and to blacklist hostile communities and, by extension, some states and their people.

Returning to responsible governance, Governor Soludo must apologise to the NYSC and the Federal Government on behalf of the Anambra people.

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Even if the girls were culpable for a reason, the way they were sexually and physically abused is unacceptable by minimum legal standards.

The administration of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, as part of its duty to protect the well-being of Delta State residents like Jennifer Edema Elohor, must demand accountability on her behalf.

It should also ensure that the investigation reaches a proper conclusion, that the offenders are punished, and that suitable compensation is provided to the victims. The same procedures should be followed for other female corps members who were victims of the brutal assault.

The attorneys general of the states from which the corps members originate and the National Human Rights Commission must offer the necessary legal advice and support to enable the corps members to receive adequate compensation if their rights have indeed been violated by the so-called vigilance group of Anambra State.

In our pursuit to enhance Nigeria’s living standards, we must emphasise individual rights and well-being as the foundation of governance and development.

Frank Tietie, Esq.

Development Lawyer and Media Personality,

Writes from Abuja

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Analysis

All Roads Lead To Ikot Edibon For ARISE Town Square Meetings’ Finale

By Ofonime Honesty

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The pre-event news has gone viral. The banners are up. The people are waiting. On Saturday the 23rd of August, 2025, the Arise Town Square Meeting storms Nsit Ubium Local Government Council Grounds in Ikot Edibon.

It is the culmination of the epochal town square meetings and empowerment series convened by Governor Umo Bassey Eno across the ten Federal Constituencies in Akwa Ibom State.

The marathon of accountability and people-powered dialogue, which commenced in Abak-Etim Ekpo-Ika Federal Constituency in March 2025, berths in Etinan-Nsit Ibom-Nsit Ubium Federal Constituency, the home turf of His Excellency, the Governor.

It has been hectic and tedious, but do not expect a governor limping to the grand finale, weary and spent. Believe me, he will arrive bristling with confidence, joy, and high watts of energy, armed with a scorecard of promises kept, and ready for the people’s verdict.

This is not a jamboree; it is a day of accountability and massive empowerment for the people of the three Local Government Areas.

It will also be a moment of reckoning. The microphone, as it has been in other federal constituencies, belongs to the governed. Methinks the ARISE Town Square Meetings have proven that governance is a conversation, not a monologue. And on Saturday, thousands will throng the expansive Nsit Ubium Local Government Council Grounds for this all-important meeting.

Time for the meeting is 1:00 PM. See you there!

*(Ofonime Honesty hails from Ikot Udobia Community in Etinan LGA)*

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Analysis

Open Letter to Rev. Father Ebube Mounso

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Ebube Mounso

By Ifeanyi Chijioke

 

Dear Rev,

Firstly, I want to loudly and emphatically relay the message: Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won the election. You personally threatened voters with death.

The threat to not vote for APGA etcetera in Onitsha North Constituency 1 because of the ADC candidate came from your pulpit, and usually, our people fearfully listen and obey commands from the pulpit. But this time, they disobeyed and chose a kindhearted woman over you.

Rev., somebody might not have shared this blunt truth with you, so now listen up: the more you engage in this kind of vindictive politics, the more you lose relevance. The more you issue threats of death and the people don’t die, the more you abuse your pulpit and expose yourself.

Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe won, and the people didn’t vote ADC. Today, I am still waiting for the count of those who died because they didn’t vote ADC. Rev. The earlier you realize that your battle is spiritual and not physical, the better for you.

There is a religious revolution that swept across the Southeastern part of Nigeria; gone are the days religious leaders sheepishly control the people. Stop living in your imagination; politics is not religion.

Rev., you built schools with the money of the poor and rich who attend your church, but you made the schools outrageously expensive for the poor and average, yet the people who fight to build alternative schools where the poor and average can attend are being fought by you.

I am not saying you shouldn’t have your opinion or belong to a political party or cabal of your choice, but learn to be godly and be principled.

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Stop threatening the people who disagree with you with ineffective spirituality or religion. Stop the dance of disgrace and shame. Stop the grandstanding and be principled for once.

Finally, let me bring to your notice that people online have been insulting you and making a mockery of you. They are saying that a woman floored you. They are saying that Mimiy Ifeoma Azikiwe is a class your money and threats couldn’t shake.

They said nobody takes you seriously anymore because you have disgraced yourself and rolled yourself on the muddy ground of church politics.

Your close associates might be fearful to tell you that you are destroying everything left of you, but it’s alright; you can accept it with a pinch of salt from me. You are truly destroying everything left of you.

Today is still early. You can make amends and reach out to those you offended or are warring with. Make peace with everyone and diplomatically go about the business of politics.

As a Rev. Father, you have the right to vote and be voted for. You have the right of association—to belong to any political party. But you don’t have the right to threaten the electorate under the guise of religion.

The people will continue to vote based on their convictions and scorecards of candidates, and not based on your pulpit threats and religious leanings.

Thanks.

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