(DDM) – The recently released school fees schedule for the 2023/2024 academic session at the David Umahi Federal University of Health Sciences (DUFUHS), Uburu, Ebonyi State, has sparked outrage and concern among Nigerians who say the fees are unaffordable, especially in a country where the national minimum wage remains ₦70,000.

Diaspora Digital Media (DDM) gathered that the university, which was established in 2021 to provide high-quality medical education and reduce Nigeria’s dependence on foreign-trained health professionals, has published its tuition structure for all departments, including hostel accommodation.

According to the list, students studying Medicine and Surgery are expected to pay ₦1,030,000, while those in Pharmacy, Nursing, Dentistry, Physiotherapy, Optometry, and Radiography will pay ₦730,000 each. Meanwhile, courses such as Biomedical Engineering, Biology, Computer Science, and Public Health are pegged at ₦530,000.

The revelation has led to a flood of criticism from citizens, who describe the fees as unrealistic and discriminatory against economically disadvantaged families.

Many argue that even with the inclusion of hostel accommodation, the cost of over one million naira for a federal university is deeply alarming.

Nigeria’s minimum wage is ₦70,000 monthly, totaling ₦840,000 per annum for civil servants fortunate enough to be paid consistently.

Yet, even this amount is not enough to cover tuition fees in DUFUHS for many of the offered courses. For families earning below or around this income threshold, sending a child to the university has become a luxury they cannot afford.

Observers point out the contradiction between government policies that promise inclusive education and real, world financial barriers that keep poor Nigerians out of critical fields like medicine, nursing, and engineering.

This trend further fuels the argument that public universities in Nigeria are gradually becoming elitist spaces, accessible mainly to the wealthy or politically connected.

What adds to the frustration is the state of the Nigerian job market, where thousands of graduates, including those from medical and science-related disciplines, are unable to find work in their fields.

Instead, many are forced to pivot into unrelated sectors such as fashion, tech, ride-hailing, or small-scale trading to survive.

In some cases, students resort to acquiring alternative vocational skills during or after graduation to cushion the unpredictability of the labor market.

An anonymous parent, who spoke with Diaspora Digital Media (DDM), described the fee structure as “a joke taken too far.”

“Even private universities like Babcock or Madonna are beginning to look more reasonable compared to this,” he lamented. “The government is pushing poor people out of school slowly but surely.”

A final-year student of Medical Laboratory Sciences added, “We entered here hoping that being a federal university, the fees would be fair.

But what we are seeing is just a polished version of private education in disguise. Hostel or no hostel, ₦730,000 is simply not sustainable for most Nigerian families.”

This is not the first time Nigerian public tertiary institutions have come under fire for raising tuition.

In recent years, several federal and state universities have increased their fees by over 200%, citing inflation, lack of government funding, and infrastructure needs.

However, critics argue that shifting the burden to students and their families defeats the purpose of public education.

The David Umahi Federal University of Health Sciences, named after the former governor of Ebonyi State and now Nigeria’s Minister of Works, was touted as a modern institution meant to revolutionize health education in the country.

Located in the Ohaozara Local Government Area, it boasts modern laboratory facilities and state-of-the-art teaching hospitals, according to promotional materials.

But the fees are now casting a shadow over its mission to provide access to world-class education for all Nigerians.

With rising inflation, an unstable exchange rate, and dwindling employment opportunities, the pressure on Nigerian parents continues to mount. Many are now asking:

if a federal university education costs over ₦1 million, what hope is left for the average Nigerian child?

As the debate rages on, many stakeholders are calling on the Federal Ministry of Education to intervene, review the tuition structure, and ensure that federal institutions fulfill their mandate of affordable and accessible education.

Otherwise, they warn, Nigeria may be heading toward an educational crisis that will deepen inequality and social unrest.

As earlier reported by Diaspora Digital Media, Muhammadu Buhari, former military Head of State of Nigeria and former civilian president has passed away in London, United Kingdom.

Born on December 17, 1942, in Daura, Katsina State, was a Nigerian military leader and politician who served as the country’s president from 2015 to 2023.

His life spanned over eight decades, leaving a complex legacy marked by military rule, a return to democracy, and a presidency that polarized public opinion.

Buhari’s early years were shaped by a modest upbringing in northern Nigeria.

He joined the Nigerian Army in 1961, training in Nigeria and the United Kingdom before rising through the ranks.

His military career took a decisive turn in 1983 when he led a coup that toppled the civilian government of President Shehu Shagari, citing corruption and economic mismanagement as justifications.

As Nigeria’s military head of state from 1983 to 1985, Buhari ruled with strict discipline, launching the “War Against Indiscipline” to enforce public order.

Buhari as Military Head of State

His regime was known for its authoritarian measures, including press censorship and draconian decrees, but also for its anti-corruption stance.

He was overthrown in another coup in 1985 and spent years in political obscurity before re-emerging as a democratic contender.

After three failed presidential bids (2003, 2007, and 2011), Buhari won the 2015 election, capitalizing on public frustration with corruption and insecurity under President Goodluck Jonathan.

His victory marked Nigeria’s first opposition-party transition, raising hopes for reform.

As president, he prioritized security, particularly against Boko Haram, and launched anti-corruption campaigns, though critics argued his efforts were selective.

His economic policies faced challenges, including recessions, high unemployment, and controversial currency reforms.

Supporters praised his integrity and frugality, while opponents criticized his handling of Nigeria’s diversity and slow decision-making.

After leaving office in 2023, Buhari retired to his hometown, occasionally commenting on national issues.

His later years were quieter, though debates over his legacy continued. He passed away in 2027, leaving behind a nation still grappling with many of the issues he sought to address.

His life reflected Nigeria’s turbulent journey—from military rule to fragile democracy, from idealism to the harsh realities of governance.

Whether remembered as a disciplinarian, a reformer, or a controversial figure, Buhari’s impact on Nigeria remains undeniable.

The recently concluded 12-day war between Israel and Iran, ended on Tuesday, June 24, 2025, precisely, captured the world’s attention with its speed, intensity, and far-reaching impact.

While the fighting was concentrated in the Middle East, its reverberations were global.

Africa, particularly Nigeria, with its complex security challenges and growing strategic relevance, has much to learn from the events that unfolded.

What began as a series of airstrikes and missile launches quickly escalated into a high-stakes military confrontation between two of the region’s most powerful states.

While the conflict has paused following a U.S.-brokered ceasefire, the lessons it offers extend well beyond the borders of Israel and Iran.

For African nations like Nigeria, the war is more than a distant geopolitical drama.

It is a mirror reflecting critical issues that must not be ignored: national security, strategic deterrence, diplomacy, civil defense, and information warfare.

1. National Preparedness Matters

Israel’s swift response to Iranian missile attacks demonstrated the value of national readiness.

Despite the barrage, civilian casualties were contained in part due to:

• the Iron Dome missile defense system,
• effective early warning systems, and,
• clear public safety protocols.

For Nigeria, a nation facing growing insecurity from insurgents, bandits, and separatist groups, this highlights the need for investment in both technology and infrastructure.

Urban centers in Nigeria, from Lagos to Abuja, lack coordinated emergency response systems in the face of attacks, whether terror-related, cyber, or environmental.

Building resilient civil defense infrastructure, including real-time intelligence and evacuation protocols, is no longer optional in the 21st century.

2. The Power of Rapid Diplomacy

One of the most striking features of the Israel-Iran war was the speed with which the international community intervened.

Within days, back-channel diplomacy involving the United States, Qatar, and European powers halted further escalation.

In contrast, African conflicts, like those in Sudan, the Sahel, or eastern DRC, often languish without timely mediation, leading to prolonged suffering.

Nigeria, as Africa’s most populous nation and a regional power, can draw a key lesson here: proactive diplomacy saves lives.

Abuja must leverage its political weight more assertively to mediate conflicts within West Africa and push for stronger continental conflict-resolution mechanisms.

3. Information Is a Battlefield

Throughout the conflict, information and disinformation flowed rapidly on social media platforms, with each side attempting to control the narrative.

Iran and Israel engaged in digital propaganda wars just as fiercely as they exchanged missiles.

In Africa, disinformation continues to undermine governance, deepen division, and fuel violence, often unchecked.

For Nigeria, where fake news has worsened ethno-religious tensions and electoral disputes, the lesson is clear: managing the information space is a national security imperative.

Government agencies must invest in fact-checking, media literacy, and responsible digital communication, especially during periods of crisis.

4. External Conflicts Can Trigger Internal Shocks

The Israel-Iran war also caused temporary disruptions in global oil markets, sending prices upward.

For oil-dependent economies like Nigeria, such volatility directly impacts revenues, inflation, and foreign exchange reserves.

This should be a wake-up call to accelerate economic diversification.

Relying solely on oil exports makes Nigeria vulnerable to conflicts thousands of miles away.

The war also disrupted air travel and supply chains, reminding African nations of their place in an interconnected global economy where distant wars can affect local businesses and livelihoods.

5. Strength Lies in Deterrence, Not Just Offense

Both Iran and Israel operated under a clear understanding of mutual risk.

Though heavily militarized, their ultimate restraint came from the knowledge that escalation could lead to mutual destruction.

For Nigeria’s security agencies, this raises a relevant point: strength is not just the capacity to attack but the credibility to deter.

Militant groups exploit state weakness and slow responses.

A more strategic posture, based on intelligence, coordination, and targeted deterrence, could help Nigeria prevent attacks rather than merely react to them.

Looking Ahead

The Israel-Iran war serves as a potent reminder that modern conflicts are fast, multi-dimensional, and far-reaching.

For Nigeria and other African nations, the path forward lies in building resilient systems, embracing diplomacy, investing in national defense, and preparing for a world where no nation is truly isolated from global events.

Africa may be geographically distant from the Middle East, but the security, economic, and diplomatic implications of conflicts like this one are deeply relevant, and the time to learn is now.

Olusegun Adeniyi

As we mark another ‘Democracy Day’, it is important for those in authority at all levels to address the existential challenges faced by most Nigerians, the clear and present dangers to the communal faith in our country and the security threats posed by sundry cartels of criminals.

But on a day such as this, it is also important to recognise the gains that have been made on our democratic journey. One stands out.

We seem to have put behind us the kind of high-profile political assassinations that dominated the first decade of the current dispensation.

Perhaps so we may remember, and it is important in a nation noted for collective amnesia, I have decided to excerpt from a chapter in my unpublished book, ’25 Defining Issues in 25 Years of Democracy in Nigeria’.

It is a reminder of where we are coming from and the road that we should never travel again…

…On 23 December 2001, then Attorney General and Justice Minister, Chief Bola Ige, was shot dead at his home in Ibadan.
In the days preceding the murder, Ige had a well-publicised altercation at the palace of then Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Sijuwade Okunade during the conferment of chieftaincy title on some individuals.

The Second Republic Governor of the old Oyo State (now Oyo and Osun)was attacked by an angry crowd who stripped him of his cap and necklace and destroyed his pair of glasses.

The group was led by one ‘Fryo’, a supporter of Chief Iyiola Omisore, who had by then just been impeached as Osun State Deputy Governor in controversial circumstances.

At that period, the acrimonious relationship between Omisore and Governor Bisi Akande (who later became foundation chairman of the APC) had caused a fracas at the state assembly, leading to the death of a prominent member representing Ife Central Local Government area, Odunayo Olagbaju.

That Ige sided with Akande in the crisis perhaps explained the reaction of the mob. A day after the assault, Omisore granted an abusive interview to TEMPO magazine.

“…Bola Ige came on radio to insult me and my family. That is his last one.
He was beaten yesterday; the people of Ife beat him up and he was crying like a baby as they removed his cap and his glasses,” Omisore said.

With Ige’s death coming before that interview was published, Omisore became a prime suspect in the murder that elicited sharp divisions within Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-political group to which he (Ige) was deputy leader at the time.

Ige’s killing also occurred at a period there were fractures within the group, and it all had to do with his (Ige’s) presidential aspiration that had been scuttled two years earlier.

Following the restoration of democracy in 1999, Ige had sought the presidential ticket of the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

While many imagined it would be a mere formality, Ige lost to a former Secretary to the Federal Government, Chief Olu Falae in a contest decided by 23 Yoruba elders who swore to an oath of secrecy before voting in Ibadan.

Ige got nine votes to Falae’s 14. Despite the secrecy of the exercise, there were reports of who voted for whom and this created a lot of bitterness and divisions among the top echelon of Afenifere.

Following Ige’s death, Omisore was arrested and eventually arraigned before an Oyo State High Court along with other people. They were later released for lack of evidence.

Till today, nobody has been held accountable for the death of Ige.

The irony of it, as many people say, is that if the Justice Minister of a country could be killed and there is no justice for his family, that is very telling of the rule of law in Nigeria.

But if Ige’s murder was shocking, the gruesome assassination of Mr Barnabas Igwe, the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) Onitsha branch chairman and wife, Abigael, a few months later was even more confounding.

The couple, both lawyers, were returning home from the NBA conference in Ibadan on 1st September 2002 when a group of assailants attacked and shot them several times.

Nothing was taken from their vehicle. Since Igwe had been an outspoken critic of the government in Anambra State, accusing fingers were immediately pointed at then Governor ChinwokeMbadinuju (now late).

In the days preceding the killings, the Onitsha NBA had given Mbadinuju a 21-day ultimatum to pay the salary arrears of workers in the state or resign.

Igwe also claimed at the time that he had received direct threats from some unnamed government officials through telephone calls on his personal mobile phones.

The governor of course denied any involvement in the death of the couple. Instead, he first blamed the death on armed robbers and later that Igwe and wife may have been targeted by people from their local community.

Mbadinuju instituted a panel of inquiry into the murder for which nobody was ever arrested. And till today, there is no clue as to who killed the Igwes.

The assassination of Alfred Aminasaori Kala (known by the initials A.K.) Dikibo on 6 February 2004 also jolted the country. Dikibo was on his way to Asaba, Delta state capital, to attend a meeting of the South-South governors and political leaders when he ran into a hail of bullets at about 7.30pm.

Eight months earlier, Harry Marshal, whom Dikibo succeeded as PDP Deputy National Chairman (South South), had also been assassinated.

A prominent member of the PDP in Rivers State, Harry Marshal was suspended for ‘anti-party’ activities in 2001 and the following year, he resigned from the party to join the ANPP where he assumed the same office he held in PDP.

Six weeks to the 2003 general election, four gunmen invaded his house, tied up the security guard, broke into his daughter’s room and forced her to lead them to Harry Marshal’s bedroom where they shot him dead.

Following the murder, some armed robbers were paraded at the Force Headquarters in Abuja as the killers.

But Harry Marshal’s daughter insisted it was a political assassination claiming that before her father was shot one of the assailants mocked him by saying, ‘You said Buhari for President. A Joke.’ Nobody was ever brought to justice on account of the murder.

According to a publication by the United States Military Academy (USMA), West Point, political assassinations have been part of social reality from time immemorial.

But in the first decade of the current democratic dispensation in Nigeria, there were far too many killings.
Titled, ‘The Causes and Impact of Political Assassinations’, the West Point journal publication referenced the Combating Terrorism Centre (CTC) with the definition as “an action that directly or indirectly leads to the death of an intentionally targeted individual who is active in the political sphere, in order to promote or prevent specific policies, values, practices or norms pertaining to the collective.”

On 27 July 2006, Mr Funsho Williams, an engineer and prominent politician, was murdered in Lagos in a most gruesome way. Williams had contested the AD gubernatorial primaries with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (who is now our President) in 1999 and had been defeated by the latter.

Williams eventually left the AD to join then ruling PDP where he secured the gubernatorial ticket for the 2003 general election.

Again, he was defeated by then incumbent Governor Tinubu. Willliams was preparing to run again at the 2007 general election when he was murdered. A fellow gubernatorial aspirant in the PDP, Senator AdeseyeOgunlewe, whose supporters had clashed with that of the late Williams at a campaign rally the previous weekend, was arrested.

Another aspirant, Musiliu Obanikoro was also arrested. Both were later released for want of evidence. In July 2020, the remaining six suspects arrested over the murder were released on grounds that the prosecution had not established a prima facie case against them.

Meanwhile, a month after the death of Williams, in the early hours of 14 August 2006, Dr Ayo Daramola was assassinated at his Ijan-Ekiti country home in Ekiti State.

Prior to his death, Daramola reportedly told his family that there were threats to his life from people who wanted him to drop his gubernatorial ambition on the platform of the PDP.

Although an aide to Governor Ayo Fayose during his first tenure, Goke Olatunji, and a former House of Representatives member, Thaddeus Aina were arraigned at an Ado Ekiti High Court over the murder of Daramola and then Holland-based Tunde Omojola (who was killed around the same period) the case has died with the victims.

However, in 2014, when Fayose was again contesting for the governorship of Ekiti State (which he won), the Onijan of Ijan Ekiti, Oba Samuel Fadahunsi, spoke on Daramola’s death.

“We know the killers of Daramola because their identities were revealed through the ritual we performed. Fayose is innocent,” the monarch declared.

“The ritual we performed was thorough, it exonerated Fayose. Therefore. those linking Fayose to Daramola’s death are doing so for mischief and political reason.

“As far as I am concerned as the monarch, Fayose has no hand in the death of our son.”

Till today, the identities of the killers of Daramola are known only to Oba Fadahunsi and his palace ritualists and he has refused to reveal them to the relevant authorities so that they can be brought to justice…

ENDNOTE:

What the foregoing excerpts from an unpublished manuscript suggest is that the first decade of the current dispensation witnessed many political assassinations. That may be no surprise.

As they mature, democracies tend to outgrow the use of summary violence in obtaining political outcomes.

That is a positive sign that democracy is becoming more of a cultural force.

However, the deployment of violence to effectuate democratic outcomes does not end with assassinations.

The ballot process can also be marred by intimidation and threats of violence. Security agencies can assume partisan roles using violence.

All these remain present in our political culture. But the fact that our politicians are learning not to settle scores with violence is making our democracy less dangerous.

I hope and pray it continues this way as I wish Nigerians happy democracy day!

Support staff of the Warri Refining and Petrochemical Company (WRPC) in Delta State have staged a major protest, shutting down operations at the refinery.

The strike, which began on Monday, was declared indefinite by the protesting workers, who cited poor conditions of service and years of neglect by the company’s management.

Diaspora Digital Media (DDM) gathered that the aggrieved workers blocked the entrance to the refinery, chanting solidarity songs and holding placards with inscriptions denouncing their working conditions.

The WRPC is a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd.), responsible for refining petroleum products.

The facility has been undergoing various stages of rehabilitation under the federal government’s plan to revive Nigeria’s refining capacity.

However, while billions have been committed to the renovation of the refinery, support staff say they have been left behind in terms of welfare and recognition.

Speaking to journalists, the leader of the protest, Mr. Dafe Ighomiteso, explained that support staff constitute about 80 percent of the refinery’s workforce.

He described the situation as modern-day slavery, pointing out that workers have long endured inadequate pay and a total absence of benefits.

According to Ighomiteso, some support staff have served the company for nearly two decades without being regularized or given standard employment terms.

He disclosed that after years of agitating for improved working conditions, the support staff are still earning between ₦34,500 and ₦165,000 monthly.

Cleaners, engineers, technicians, and other categories of workers all fall under the support staff structure, which reportedly lacks medical, transport, housing, and meal allowances.

Ighomiteso lamented that none of the workers are covered by insurance or entitled to pensions.

He stressed that their demand is not for equal pay with permanent staff, but for fair and commensurate treatment compared to support staff in other subsidiaries and corporate services units of NNPC.

“We are supposed to be protesting against casualization,” he said. “But the nation is quiet. No one is speaking for us.”

Another protester, Innocent Ileleji, who works as a cleaner and gardener, confirmed the monthly pay of ₦34,500. He said the amount is not sufficient to sustain workers or their families.

He added that some staff are owed arrears of their already meagre salaries.

Ileleji pointed out that promises made in 2013 for a salary review have remained unfulfilled, deepening the frustration among workers.

Elohor Poko, another support staff member, described the conditions as dehumanizing and appealed directly to the General Chief Officer to intervene.

She emphasized that the workers are not asking for luxury, but simply want a fair and livable wage structure to reflect the hazards of their work environment.

A source within the refinery, who requested anonymity, disclosed that while the main plant remains shut due to ongoing maintenance, the turbine unit is the only section currently operational to maintain minimal functionality.

The source further noted that rehabilitation work on the refinery is about 60 percent completed.

Management of the WRPC has yet to issue any official response to the strike action, despite repeated efforts by journalists to obtain comments.

The Warri Refinery is one of Nigeria’s key refining assets and is part of the government’s strategic plan to reduce reliance on imported petroleum products.

However, the ongoing strike by support staff could significantly delay progress on the refinery’s rehabilitation, while also highlighting deeper human resource and labor relations challenges within the country’s oil and gas sector.

The protest also raises critical questions about the sustainability of ongoing reforms in the petroleum industry if frontline workers continue to be neglected and underpaid.

This development may further complicate the federal government’s refinery revival agenda, especially as it battles with broader economic and fiscal pressures.