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Yusuf Usman: When A Professor Becomes A Weapon

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Nigeria is not being destroyed by illiterates, but by the learned such as a professor who have acquired golden fleeces in educational attainment.

At the centre of every malfunction in Nigeria, you will find not the subsistence farmer with a hoe, not the market woman that speaks pidgin English, not the vulcanizer by the road side among many more artisans— but a university degree holder, man or woman, with a title that depicts their social status.

  1. When A Professor Becomes A Weapon

When elections are rigged, it is not the motor park tout who signs off the forged figures. It is a Returning Officer — usually a professor.

When courts are misled with doctored affidavits, it is not a bus conductor who swears to lies.

It is a learned person, usually a lawyer who should be a servant of the temple of justice.

When a public policy is dressed in religious cum ethnic garb and sold to the nation as “economic destiny,” it is not an almajiri who drafts the policy blueprint.

It is an aide, possibly with multiple University degrees.

Now we have one more example of a professor who wants to lecture a bleeding nation on truth without first presenting the truth.

Professor Yusuf Usman’s piece, “From ‘Christian Genocide’ to ‘Coup Attempt’: Tread Carefully,” is not a truth telling piece.

It is an indictment — not of the people he attacks, but of the class he represents.

He is Exhibit A of the rot of Nigerian intellectualism: eloquence without evidence, confidence without conscience.

  1. The author, Bolaji O. Akinyemi

    The author, Bolaji O. Akinyemi

    The Trick: Call People Liars, Present No Data

Let us start with his opening move. He begins by quoting verses of the Scripture from the Holy Bible about lies, specifically citing, Proverbs 12:22a KJV; that “Lying lips are abomination to the LORD …”.

Then he calls the reportage of Christian genocide in Nigeria as “unfounded,” “false narrative,” “mischief,” “pandering,” “fundraising propaganda.”

Curiously, the first part of the cited verse is selectively deployed to malign his targeted audience and to shroud self-indictment by avoiding the last section of the verse in Proverbs 12:22b KJV; “… but they that deal truly are his delight”.

The entire verse conveys very strong words of admonition.

The selective deployment of the cited quotation has thrusted before the jury the revelation of a professor whose research lacks data and his pursuit of truth is done without conscience.

Besides, where is his data to support his vault face quotation that Christians are lying?

His disjointed understanding of a verse of the scripture is a proof of the misadventures of his early years to missionary schools as a pupil.

He says the story of Christian persecution is driven by lobbying by “powerful Israeli interests,” “Christian Evangelicals,” “American senators seeking office,” “mercantile mischief makers,” “gullible American donors,” and Nigerian pastors “who profit when a Muslim is president.”

Again: strong accusations; emotional, dramatic, but hollow.

Comparative data

Where is his comparative data of killings under a Muslim and Christian president?

The author writes like a prosecutor and argues like a gossip.

When Prof Yusuf Usman declared before the world that there is no Christian-targeted killing in Nigeria, and that what we are seeing is just politically motivated hysteria, he shouldn’t be waving his hands, shouting “Lobby! Lobby! Lobby!”

You owe us numbers, including disaggregated figures:

  • Massacres by location.
  • Identity of victims.
  • Identity of attackers.
  • Pattern of attacks.
  • Worship-centre attacks.
  • Clergy abductions and executions.
  • Forced displacement of specific faith/ethnic populations from specific ancestral homestead, etc.

You owe us timelines… geography… trend lines. Yet, you gave us none!

You made sweeping claims about life and death and, then, hid behind your title: “Professor.”

That is intellectual fraud and civic ineptitude.

  1. The Most Dangerous Sentence in your Article is:

“More Muslims have been killed, maimed, raped or displaced…” and “more Muslim clerics have been killed…

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“More Mosques have been burnt…” and “more Muslim traditional rulers have been killed or kidnapped…”

Also, “more Muslims including children kidnapped…”

This underscores the invidious rhetorical device in our national conversation today.

Why? Because it tries to say this: “If more Muslims have been killed, then Christians must stop describing what is happening to them as persecution.

“It is not genocide. It is politics. Sit down.” That argument is sick at three levels.

(i) It presumes numbers he does not prove.

He throws comparative claims (“more Muslims,” “more mosques,” “more…”) without a single source, field log, forensic dataset, or cited review.

No security briefing, no human rights audit, no independent casualty register. Nothing, nothing!

Except your prejudices and you are a professor? Not even a native doctor will do that in today’s communication.

Curiously your professorial courage that emboldened you deny Christian genocide in Nigeria, nudged you to declare that “More Muslims are dying [Nigeria]. Believe me.”

Your declaration is bereft of comparative data of Christian/Muslim death in Nigeria, but just sematic by your effusive posturing.

Your professorial disposition should make you a better mourner of the Muslim deaths in Nigeria.

Please, dignify your mourning with data rather than dwelling on Christians who are grieving their loses.

Professors don’t get to make arithmetic a matter of loyalty. You bring evidence or you sit down.

(ii) It tries to turn grief into competition.

When a community says, “We are being targeted for our faith,” and your response is, “well, we have suffered more than you,” you have not disproved their claim.

You have merely announced that you resent their pain.

That is not scholarship, especially from a so-called trained Physician. That is grievance politics.

This is how national tragedies get trivialized into ethnic scorecards and faith scoreboard arguments: “Who died more?”

That is the language of a man who wants denial, not healing. Murder is not a contest.

(iii) It is morally perverse.

If at any point in time, more Muslims are found to be victims of bandits killing than the Christians that are often targeted in faith-marked massacres, the difference in numbers is not suddenly erased or ignored.

It is clearly a difference of magnitude and idiosyncratic motivation for the killings of both faiths.

Thus, “More Muslims died” does not cancel “Christians were targeted.”

Anything that looks like extermination of a defined group — by identity of faith or ethnicity — is genocidal in all ramifications, whether or not someone else of a different faith is also being killed elsewhere.

It is possible for multiple atrocities to coexist.

To say, “Christians are not victims because Muslims are also victims,” is like saying, you were not robbed because I was also robbed.

It is logically empty and morally obscene. But this is what our elite in Nigeria of your genre keep doing to us.

  1. Academics who count votes but declare sentiment as winners

As a professor and by your posturing you are a reflection of the category of Academics who should count our votes but would rather declare their sentiment as winners.

Let me remind Nigerians: this same pattern — confident assertion with no verifiable data — is exactly what we see at election collation centres.

Who are the State Returning Officers for presidential and governorship elections?

Professors.

Who are many of the Resident Electoral Commissioners advising INEC, including heads of extra-ministerial departments and agencies of government that serve as CEO?

Professors.

And who swears to an oath of office for a “free, fair and credible elections” when in effect, it is often to preside over obvious votes suppression, ballot seizure, mutilated result sheets, and declare numbers that don’t reconcile with accreditation data?

They are Professors!

It is not the Okada rider who stands before the nation to launder electoral sin into institutional grammar.

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It is Professor, the “distinguished scholar” who will at the end of their manipulation of votes tell citizens to go to court.

When a man projects himself as a “Professor of Haematology-Oncology and Bone Marrow Transplantation,” and then proceeds to make national security claims, demographic fatality claims, religious persecution claims, geopolitical claims — with zero data — what he is really saying is:

“Respect me, not because I proved anything, but because I am a professor.”

We’ve seen this movie. We know how it ends: Truth dies. Citizens lose trust. The street radicalizes. The state blames the victims.

The same professor returns to TV to warn against “destabilization.”

This cycle is killing the country, incrementally, slowly but surely.

  1. The False Calm Around “No Genocide”

Let us step into the Christian genocide question plainly.

Is the language “Christian genocide” serious language? Yes. Should it be used carelessly? No.

But is it “false,” “manufactured,” “foreign-sponsored,” “pandering,” as Professor Yusuf declares? No.

That is where he crosses the line. Let us lay out what is actually happening in specific places, in plain terms:

  • Systematic invasion and killings of Christian in their homestead, worship centres, schools and festivals in the Middle Belt and across the country exhibits a pattern-specific pursuit or agenda execution.
  • Abduction and execution of Christian clergy/officials as well as conversion and forceful marriage of Christian girls represents a pattern-specific agenda execution.
  • Videos, audios, pictures, clips of reportage by diverse news services and field testimonies where attackers use explicit religious framing for their killings abound as evidence that buttresses the cited pattern-specific killings.

Pattern-specific killings

Now ask yourself, Professor: is a community that has faced such pattern-specific killings not entitled to use the term “genocide” to describe what it believes is happening to it?

And won’t it cry out for international help when local help has failed to show up in decades?

It is noteworthy that the cited patter-specific killings of Christians is not “incident.”

Not “clash”, not “banditry”, not “farmer-herder misunderstanding”, but explicit extermination by faith cum ethnic identity.

Even if you disagree with the label, you do not have the moral right to sneer at the vocabulary of their survivors while they bury their dead grief their irreparable loses.

You certainly don’t have the right to call their tears, sweat and blood “a business model.”

Yet this is what you Professor Yusuf Usman is fond of doing. You accuse Nigerian Christian voices — even survivors, including widows who have become ‘ambassadors’ of their own trauma — of doing it “for foreign money?”

That is not analysis. That is contempt. And contempt expressed from the safety of senior status is depravity.

  1. The Coup Section Exposes the Same Carelessness

In the “coup attempt” commentary, you vouched that “… maybe this is a purge of northern officers by a southern (Yoruba) president ahead of 2027.”

Therefore, President Tinubu is “Yorubanising.” Serious allegation.

Ethno-political allegation. Security allegation. Where is the evidence?

Timeline correlation of arrest-to-shuffle of officers that is more than coincidence and conjecture?

You give nothing but suspicion, then sends that suspicion into the public bloodstream like kerosene. This is not responsible.

Haba Professor, you condemn genocide narrative as “false” for being incendiary, and in the same breath feed an “ethnic purge in the army” narrative with no hard evidence — in an already volatile, already suspicious nation.

So, let us be clear: your own method fails your own sermon.

What you denounce in others regarding “Christian genocide” — generalization, loaded accusation, instability-threatening rhetoric — is exactly what you practice about “coup attempt”, only wearing a lab coat.

That is why I call this depravity. Because it is not ignorance. It is will.

  1. “Our Illiterates Are Not the Problem”

We must say this loudly for history: the herdsman in Zamfara is not Nigeria’s biggest danger.

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The mechanic in Aba is not Nigeria’s biggest danger and the fisherman in Bayelsa is not Nigeria’s biggest danger.

The woman selling potatoes in Bokkos is not Nigeria’s biggest danger.

Our real danger is the university degree-wielding person who launders injustice, blesses imbalance, and baptizes oppression with grammar.

The real danger is the university degree-holder who is a professor that tells violated communities that their pain is “manufactured”.

He tells the world that Nigeria has no religious persecution problem, only PR problems, and tells Nigerians to “tread carefully”.

Meanwhile, he himself pours accelerant on ethnic and regional suspicion by implying the Commander-in-Chief is purging the military along North/South lines without showing the public a single verifiable data.

The village illiterate is bearing the bullet; the city professor is defending the shooter; that is Nigeria’s tragedy.

  1. What a Responsible Intellectual Owes the Country

An honest intellectual class would do four things:

  1. Name all suffering — Christian, Muslim, traditionalist — without erasing any.
    You can say “Muslims are also dying in Zamfara” without denying “Christians are being massacred in Plateau for their identity.”
    Both can be true. In fact, both are true.
  2. Demand protection for all, not protection for one and silence for the other.
    Security must not be negotiated as a tribal benefit.
  3. Refuse to serve as a megaphone for any presidency — Christian or Muslim — when the presidency is behaving recklessly.
    When I warned that branding a “National Halal Economy Strategy” from Aso Rock, under a Muslim-Muslim presidency, during a season of Christian grief, is combustible, some “intellectuals” tried to paint me as alarmist.
    That is how countries explode: the intelligentsia protects optics instead of protecting peace.
  4. Bring evidence or hold your tongue.
    If you claim “more Muslims have died than Christians,” show us verifiable logs.
    If you claim “no genocide,” show us trend and pattern analysis.
    And if you claim “ethnic purge in the military,” show us internal orders. Otherwise, step aside.
    The country is too fragile for a professorial ego posing as analysis.

My Closing Word to Professor Yusuf Usman

Professor, Nigeria does not need one elder with a microphone and no mirror.

When you say Christians crying “genocide” are lying for money, you are not healing anything. You, as physician, are salting an open wound.

When you tell Nigerians that “the problem is not religion,” while ignoring the obvious religious framing of many massacres, you are not calming tension.

You are gaslighting the bereaved.

When you warn that rumours of a coup could destabilize the nation — and then you yourself inflame ethnic suspicion inside the military without offering proof — you are not preventing crisis.

You are drafting its script.

And when you wrap all of these in the robe of “Professor,” you are proving my point: the threat to Nigeria is not our uneducated poor.

It is our well-credentialed untruthfuls.

This country will not survive if its intellectuals continue to act as political bouncers, emotional manipulators, and ethnic alarm bells.

Nigeria needs scholars, not syndicates; teachers, not tribal marketers; healers, not handlers.

Nigeria is tired of educated men who weaponize their literacy against the people.

The blood on the ground is real — Christian and Muslim.

The anger in the barracks is real — North and South.

But then, the distrust in the streets is real — across all lines.

We cannot manage any of that by insulting victims, mocking their vocabulary, or inventing “facts” without evidence and calling those facts “truth.”

The illiterates in our villages are hostages; the real captors are the wicked intellectuals.

Citizen Bolaji Oluwayanmife Akinyemi, Apostle and Nation Builder. Convener of Apostolic Round Table.

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Analysis

Inside Akwa Ibom, BOI’s 4bn Naira Intervention for Local Businesses

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*By Ofonime Honesty

For years, the story of small businesses has been one of resilient hustle hampered by a familiar adversary: access to capital. A struggling tailor with a waiting list of clients cannot afford an industrial machine. A rural farmer watches his business struggle due to his inability to expand and invest in modern tools. Even the tech startup with a brilliant idea operates on little, or zero budget.

This narrative is what the Akwa Ibom State Government and the Bank of Industry (BOI) are aiming to rewrite with a landmark N4 billion intervention fund, one of the most significant private sector injections the state has seen in recent years.

Announced recently, the comprehensive loan scheme for Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) is designed to be more than just a cash disbursement. Its objectives are multi-faceted: create over 5,000 new jobs, stimulate economic growth, boost agricultural productivity, and ultimately enhance household welfare across the state’s communities.

The program represents a deliberate and structured intervention to build the economy from the ground up. Rather than simply giving out loans, the initiative focuses on investing in the businesses that form the backbone of the local economy and equipping them for sustainable growth.

The programme framework outlines clear eligibility criteria aimed at ensuring transparency and impact. To qualify, businesses must be formally registered with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and have their operational headquarters within Akwa Ibom State.
Applicants must also provide valid means of identification during the application process.

The application process is a four-stage journey designed to vet and prepare applicants. It begins with online submission of business details through the official portal at https://aksgboiloan.akwaibominvest.ng, followed by a rigorous document verification stage where applicants must upload all required supporting documents.

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Crucially, successful applicants will not receive funds immediately but will undergo mandatory capacity-building training with the Ibom Leadership and Entrepreneurship Development (Ibom-LED) agency before final approval and disbursement.

This training component serves as the soul of the scheme, building business acumen alongside providing financial capital. The approach aims to ensure businesses thrive long after the loan has been repaid.

For aspiring entrepreneurs dreaming of expanding their operations, the application portal is a gateway to possibilities.

This intervention is a game-changer since MSMEs represent one of largest employers of labour in any developing economy, and injecting N4 billion directly into this sector will definitely create significant ripple effects.

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Analysis

Ten instances of misinformation in Nnamdi Kanu’s case (Part 2)

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By Emeka Ugwuonye

6. Did the Court of Appeal decide that Kanu should not be tried for treasonable felony?

ANSWER: Not quite. While the Court of Appeal made a ruling regarding Kanu’s trial, that judgment was subsequently appealed to the Supreme Court, which reversed the Court of Appeal’s decision. As a result, the findings of the Court of Appeal have become irrelevant.

Currently, the law is defined by the judgment of the Supreme Court, which takes precedence over any previous appellate rulings. This means that Kanu can indeed be tried for treasonable felony, as the Supreme Court has upheld the charges against him. In legal terms, the most recent and authoritative ruling is what matters, and at this moment, that ruling supports the continuation of Kanu’s trial for the offenses he faces. It’s essential to recognize that legal outcomes are shaped by the highest court’s decisions, not by earlier judgments that have been overturned.

7. Should the judge have explained to him all these things when he asked the judge that question in court?

ANSWER: No, the judge should not have provided that explanation. Doing so would have amounted to the judge offering the kind of assistance that is typically provided by legal counsel. Nnamdi Kanu made the choice to represent himself, which means he cannot expect the judge to clarify or elaborate on legal matters outside the established rules of the court.

Moreover, Kanu’s question was posed in the context of his challenge to the court’s jurisdiction. This issue will be addressed in the court’s forthcoming judgment, and it would be inappropriate for the court to divulge information that pertains to a decision that has yet to be rendered. Judges must maintain impartiality and adhere to proper judicial protocol. Providing guidance or clarity on legal questions during court proceedings could compromise that impartiality and undermine the integrity of the judicial process.

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In summary, it is essential for defendants to seek clarification and understanding from their legal counsel rather than from the judge. The legal system is designed to ensure that each party is responsible for navigating it according to established procedures and rules. By choosing to represent himself, Kanu has placed himself in a position where he must rely on his own understanding of the law, and the court must remain neutral, providing a level playing field for all parties involved.

8. What is the implication of Nnamdi Kanu representing himself?

ANSWER: Representing himself is arguably the gravest mistake Nnamdi Kanu could make. While he has the legal right to defend himself, this is a right that no reasonable person should choose to exercise in a complex legal battle. It’s akin to firing your doctor and attempting to perform an appendectomy on yourself—an act fraught with peril and devoid of sound judgment.

Self-representation in legal proceedings can lead to disastrous consequences, as it places the individual at a significant disadvantage. The law is intricate, filled with procedural rules and nuanced arguments that require expert knowledge and experience to navigate effectively. By opting to represent himself, Kanu risks undermining his defense and jeopardizing his position in court.

Furthermore, there appears to be an inclination for Kanu to enjoy the spotlight and assert his voice, but that desire should not override practical legal considerations. The courtroom is not a forum for personal expression but a formal setting where skilled attorneys utilize their expertise to advocate for their clients’ best interests. By eschewing professional legal representation, Kanu not only diminishes his chances for a favorable outcome but also engages in a self-defeating strategy that could have serious ramifications for his case.

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In summary, while the choice to represent oneself is protected under the law, it is rarely a wise decision—especially in a high-stakes legal environment like the one Kanu finds himself in. Professional legal representation is crucial for ensuring that rights are upheld and justice is pursued effectively. Ignoring this reality is a significant miscalculation that Kanu may come to regret.

9. What is the implication of him refusing to present his defense?

ANSWER: Initially, I considered the possibility that his decision might be a strategic one. However, it has become clear that this refusal to present a defense is a significant miscalculation. By not offering a defense, Nnamdi Kanu leaves himself completely vulnerable, providing no counterarguments against the allegations and evidence brought forth by the prosecution. As a result, the prosecution has a clear path to victory.

Without any defense to challenge the prosecution’s case, the court is effectively compelled to convict him. The legal principle at play is that the court has already established that the prosecution has presented a prima facie case—which means they have provided sufficient evidence for the case to proceed. Kanu’s failure to defend himself means that he is allowing the prosecution’s arguments to stand unopposed.

This situation puts Kanu at a serious disadvantage and effectively undermines any chance he had of achieving a favorable outcome. When a defendant does not testify or present evidence in their favor, the court is left with only the prosecution’s narrative, increasing the likelihood of a conviction. It is crucial in any legal proceeding for a defendant to engage actively in their defense, as neglecting to do so can lead to a self-inflicted defeat.

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10. Can Kanu be tried in Nigeria for broadcasts he made outside Nigeria?

ANSWER: Yes, Kanu can indeed be tried in Nigeria for statements made outside the country. The law takes into account the location where the effects of an action occur, rather than where that action was carried out. A person can commit treasonable felonies or incitement from abroad, especially if the incitement has the potential to impact individuals or events in Nigeria.

The crucial factor is where the individuals being incited are located or where the unlawful act is intended to be executed. This principle underlines the legal precedent that holds individuals accountable for their words and actions, regardless of their physical location at the time.

Moreover, the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013 was specifically amended to extend its reach beyond Nigeria’s borders, allowing for the prosecution of offenses committed outside the country if they have implications within Nigeria. This means that Kanu’s statements from abroad could fall under the jurisdiction of Nigerian law, especially if they are perceived to incite unlawful activities or threaten national security.

In summary, Kanu’s geographical location does not absolve him from accountability under Nigerian law. He can be prosecuted for his statements made outside Nigeria as long as those statements have consequences within the country. This legal framework emphasizes the importance of holding individuals accountable for their actions, irrespective of where those actions are conducted.

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Analysis

Ten instances of misinformation in Nnamdi Kanu’s case (Part one)

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Nnamdi Kanu
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By Emeka Ugwuonye

 

There has been so many false information flying around about the case of Nnamadi Kanu. Unfortunately, many people are believing such false claims and are actually relying on them. Hence, I will identify 24 such false claims and debunk them.

1. Was the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act, 2013 ever repealed?

ANSWER: No, the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013 has not been repealed. The Act was an amendment to the original Terrorism (Prevention) Act of 2011 and introduced important changes, including provisions for extra-territorial application of the law and enhancements related to terrorist financing offenses.

2. Did the Nigerian Supreme Court rule that Nnamdi Kanu cannot be tried under the Terrorism Act?

ANSWER: The Nigerian Supreme Court did not explicitly rule that Nnamdi Kanu cannot be tried under the Terrorism Act. In October 2022, the Supreme Court of Nigeria dismissed the appeal filed by Kanu challenging the charge of terrorism against him, stating that his initial issue regarding jurisdiction was not substantiated, and the lower courts had the right to adjudicate the case. The court effectively upheld the earlier decisions that allowed for Kanu’s trial to proceed.

3. Is it true that Nnamdi Kanu is not being tried under a written law as the Constitution requires?

ANSWER: All the seven counts proffered against Nnamdi Kanu in the ongoing trial are based on written laws, principal the Criminal Code Act and the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act, both of which are written laws.

4. Is it true that Kanu does not know the law under which he was charged?

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ANSWER: No, that is not true. Kanu knows the law and sections of the law under which the charges against him were brought. He became aware the moment they handed his charging documents and he read the charges against him. Each count of the charge states what he is alleged to have done wrong, the date and place where he did it and the law which declared his alleged actions to be a crime. Also, during his arraignment, the court official read out the charges to his hearing in open court and he was asked if he understood each charge and he answered Yes before pleading to each charge.

5. What offense exactly did the government of Nigeria accuse Nnamdi Kanu of committing?

ANSWER: The offenses the accused Kanu of committing fall into two groups. The first group is treasonable felony, which basically accuses Kanu of doing certain things with the intention and purpose of intimidating and threatening the officials of government with the purpose of forcing them to change policy – the secession of Biafra. The second group is the defamation of President Buhari. (This is the weakest of all the offences charged).

The third group relates to the terrorism offenses. Here is accused of incitement (the sit-at-home orders). These offenses are well-spelled out in the charging documents.

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