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2023: PDP’s Big Betrayal of Ndigbo ~ by Law Mefor

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The rumour has been around for some years now like a highly odoriferous fart that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) wants to zone the 2023 presidential ticket to the North in clear breach of its Constitution, Manifesto, and convention.

In my article entitled “Suswam, 2023 Presidency Zoning, PDP & Ndigbo” published in July 2020, I had reason to take on the former Governor of Benue State, Senator Gabriel Suswan when he told a national newspaper that the PDP would still zone the office of the President to the North in 2023.

He said: “Of course, the PDP will maintain zoning. We have not realised it, so the zoning still remains in the North in the PDP. In PDP, we zoned the Presidency to the North and have we realised it? No. So, the zoning still remains in the North for 2023”. I raised the red flag, arguing that Suswan was flying a dangerous kite that would finally consume the PDP.

Also, one of the cardinal reasons advertised by Governor Dave Umahi of Ebonyi State for leaving the PDP was his claim that the party had no good plans for the South East region come 2023.

Not long ago, Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State alleged that members of the Prince Uche Secondus-led National Working Committee (NWC) of the PDP were more interested in perpetuating themselves in office than ensuring victory for the party in 2023.

For instance, Secondus, a southerner, only stands a chance of remaining in office if the party’s presidential ticket goes to the North. But does Secondus care? Was he not the Deputy Chairman in the Adamu Muazu-led NWC that led the PDP into the 2015 electoral disaster?

Meanwhile, all pretences were thrown to the wind recently when the Governor Bala Mohammed-led PDP Post-Election Review Panel submitted its report to the NWC.

You needed to see the knowing smile, the scratch my back and I scratch your back smile, between Secondus and Mohammed as they grinned from ear to ear at the event.

Apart from its shoddy and hollow work that spent precious time time on issues like restructuring, use of soldiers for elections, etc., which are outside the panel’s Terms of Reference or PDP’s control, the panel threw open PDP’s 2023 presidential ticket.

To rub salt into the injury, the Bala Committee predicated this wacky decision on the need to get the best hand to pilot Nigeria. Bala’s rambling presentation read in part:

“In line with certain unwritten conventions of the nation’s history, many people think that for fairness and equity, the North-East and South-East geo-political zones that have had the shortest stints at the Presidency should be given special consideration in choosing the presidential flag bearer of the party for the 2023 election.

“While we admit that this is a strong argument, we should not lose sight of the fact that Nigeria is endowed with many capable and very experienced leaders in every part of the country.

“Moreover, the exigencies of the moment demand that nothing should be compromised in choosing the leader with the attributes to disentangle the country from the present quagmire.

“Therefore, we think that every Nigerian from every part of the country should be given the opportunity to choose the best candidate through a credible primary election, as a way of institutionalising a merit-based leadership recruitment process for the country.”

This is not only a total insult to the people of the South East, it is also a total betrayal of the zoning principle that has been the hallmark of the PDP’s national politics since 1998 and more importantly a betrayal of people of the South East.

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South Easterners have given their all to the PDP since the inception of the current dispensation and are paying dearly for it under Muhammadu Buhari exclusionist presidency.

Is Bala, by any means, saying that there are no capable hands in the South East to “disentangle the country from the present quagmire?”

What capable hands does the North have that the South East does not have more? Which development indices shows that Northern states are better governed than South East states?

Again, rather than focusing on 1999 till date, Bala laboriously went as far as 1960 to find a way to accommodate the North East.

But even at that, how could you reasonably put the North East, which led Nigeria for six years (1960 – 1966) under Sir Abubakakar Tafawa Balewa at per with the South East, which led for only six months (January 1966 – July 1966) under General Johnson Aguyi-Ironsi?

All this in Bala’s futile bid to protect his rumoured presidential ambition and that of the Dubai-dwelling Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, who would only come when the food is ready, as he did ahead of 2019 elections.

But more importantly, were there no good hands in the South when the Ekweremadu-led PDP Post-Election Review Panel recommended as early as September 2015 that the PDP’s 2019 presidential ticket should go to the North?

Ekweremadu panel report reads in part:

“Since the last President of PDP extraction came from the southern part of Nigeria, it is recommended that PDP’s presidential candidate in the 2019 general elections should come from the northern part of the country.

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“This is in accordance with the popular views and will also assuage any ill feelings in the North over any perceived breach of the Party’s zoning principle”.

That singular decision was the elixir that rallied back to the PDP many northern political heavy weights like Bukola Saraki, Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Kwakwanso, Aminu Tambuwal, Yakubu Dogara etc., who had left the party ahead of 2015 election.

Conversely, Bala Panel’s ill-advised recommendation can only dissipate whatever is left of Southern, especially South East, sympathy for the PDP. It has only opened a floodgate of defections to the APC, turning the likes of Umahi to our Nostradamus.

The rotation and zoning principle was engrained into the PDP party’s Constitution in 2009. Article 7 (2) (c) of the PDP Constitution states:

“In pursuance of the principle of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of party and public elective offices, and it shall be enforced by the appropriate executive committee at all levels”.

So, power has resided in the North for two straight terms and has to move South, specifically to South East, in the spirit of rotation and zoning, which has been the practice since 1999.

All the political parties ought to flow with this national understanding. PDP, APC, and other major parties cannot be moving North when power is supposed to be moving South if they hold the unity and continued corporate existence of this country dear to heart.

Therefore, there is no explanation for this roundly crazy and unjust move by the PDP, except that a onetime PDP Governor and now a Senator once mused that PDP is an acronym for ‘Papa Deceive Pikin’.

But it still does not make the unfolding scenerio less reprehensible and less an affront to both the Constitution and manifesto of the party.

Jettisoning the rotation principle midway and after it has benefitted at least four zones of the country and when it is the turn of the South East to benefit is tantamount to shifting the goalpost in the middle of a football match. This is intolerable and should have consequences.

This latest development confirms the allegation that Atiku fenced-off the South East PDP leaders immediately he got the presidential ticket at the Port Harcourt Convention in order not to concretise the return of power to the region in 2023 and in order not to properly define the deliverables of restructuring.

Both were the major grounds they gave him a block vote to emerge PDP’s presidential ticket.

Unfortunately, many of us Ndigbo were too emotional and obsessed with the possibility of a Vice President of South East extraction to pay attention to what the party leaders were saying.

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We forgot that from experience, including Yemi Osibanjo’s current experience, that the position of Vice President amounts to nothing under our Constitution.

Likewise, I pity a few Igbo leaders hobnobbing with Atiku et al in the hope of of getting a VP slot rather than condemning this atrocious recommendation. We know them, but I have bad news for them: at the rate PDP is going, Ndigbo will not even smell the VP slot.

However, while the PDP hide and seek game continues, it is imperative to remind the party that Ndigbo are not wedded to it for better for worse, for life.

This time around, the party may leave the South East voters with no choice other than to try their luck elsewhere, win or lose. Moreso when Buhari, who is the major source of our indignation for the APC, will be on his way to Daura in 2023.

It is apt to conclude with the statement by a rankled Ohanaeze Ndigbo expressing our collective anger and disappointment at PDP’s disrespect to Ndigbo:

“The leadership of the PDP is advised to retract the comment made by Alh. Bala Mohammed and countermand the content of the obnoxious committee report in the interest of the party.

“Let it be known that Ndigbo do not wax so eloquent on political parties. The Igbo is bound to advertise the party that caters to the interest of our people.

“Other prominent APC chieftains are highly committed to the realisation of this project and we will be very delighted to work with them in the overall interest of Ndigbo.

“The Ohanaeze Ndigbo led by Ambassador Professor George Obiozor is committed to a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction and there is no going back on it.

“It should be noted that the Igbo network transcends geographical space and the enormous Igbo goodwill and resources across the world will be mobilized to achieve this equity-inspired project.

“In the words of Obiozor, the Igbo are a confident set of people who do not hide their feelings easily no matter the consequences.

“If you deny the Igbo justice, be ready for righteous indignation, diminishing authority, denial of the legitimacy of governance and loyalty.

“The Igbo faith and confidence is based on what you deny the Igbo in the morning, they can give to themselves in the evening through hard work and perseverance. We are undaunted.”

A word is enough for he wise.

Dr. Law Mefor is an Abuja based Forensic/Social Psychologist and Journalist.

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Analysis

What lies ahead for Nnamdi Kanu if convicted

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Nnamdi Kanu
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By Emeka Ugwuonye

 

The conviction of Nnamdi Kanu on November 20, 2025, appears to be a near certainty. As we contemplate his fate, it’s essential to focus on what will happen after he is convicted and sentenced, rather than getting caught up in debates about rendition, repealed laws, or other issues that primarily serve to entertain some and fuel the egos of his IPOB followers.

One potential outcome is that Kanu will be transferred to Kuje Correctional Center, a significant change from his current detention at the DSS facility. In Kuje Prison, Kanu will have privileges that he did not enjoy in the DSS, including less restrictive monitoring and access to regulated visits. He will likely receive visits from various politicians who wish to feign concern, as well as from his supporters and followers who view him as a messiah. The prison will become their new holy land.

Financially, he should not have any problem: Biafra is a selling brand. Unlike at the DSS facility, where communication with the outside world was limited, he will have access to a phone in prison, enabling him to manage his activities and issue directives to IPOB members from behind bars.

The prison authority has the power to transfer him to any other prison in Nigeria. However, there are compelling reasons why Kanu will probably remain in Kuje Prison. First, he will inevitably file an appeal at the Abuja Court of Appeal, making it essential for him to be in close proximity to his lawyers as they prepare for this process. Second, there are valid safety concerns; transferring him to prisons in northern states could expose him to threats, including possible harm from Boko Haram members, while relocating him to southern prisons carries the risk of escape.

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After his conviction, filing an appeal will be one of Kanu’s immediate actions. Unfortunately, his chances of success may be severely impacted by his earlier decision not to present a defense during the trial. The appeal court primarily reviews the performance of the lower court and does not accept new evidence; therefore, Kanu’s failure to mount any defense will significantly complicate his efforts to overturn the judgment. What basis could he have for reversing the verdict when he didn’t provide a counter-argument for consideration? By choosing to represent himself and refusing to submit a defense, he has effectively hampered his own case.

Additionally, the support of Igbo politicians may not be as reliable as some might hope. Many do not want Kanu released, viewing him as a potential threat to the status quo. Their apparent concern is often driven by fear rather than genuine support. Politicians like Charles Soludo and Peter Mbah have recently secured their positions; they are vulnerable to IPOB sympathizers.

With the 2027 elections on the horizon, it is doubtful that they would want Kanu released before the election cycle, as his presence could contribute to instability. Consequently, the length of time Kanu spends in prison remains uncertain. The corrections officials might also impose limitations on his privileges, restricting his access to communication and potentially making his experience in prison more difficult.

Furthermore, the DSS may advocate for continued surveillance, convincing prison authorities that they need to monitor Kanu closely, even while he is incarcerated. This ongoing oversight could lead to further restrictions on Kanu’s ability to communicate privately with his supporters.

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Many unknown factors still surround the situation, but one thing is clear: Kanu’s journey from conviction to potential pardon will be fraught with challenges, uncertainties, and the complex dynamics of Nigerian politics. As events unfold, it will be crucial to observe how these factors will influence Kanu’s fate in the coming months.

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Analysis

Inside Akwa Ibom, BOI’s 4bn Naira Intervention for Local Businesses

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*By Ofonime Honesty

For years, the story of small businesses has been one of resilient hustle hampered by a familiar adversary: access to capital. A struggling tailor with a waiting list of clients cannot afford an industrial machine. A rural farmer watches his business struggle due to his inability to expand and invest in modern tools. Even the tech startup with a brilliant idea operates on little, or zero budget.

This narrative is what the Akwa Ibom State Government and the Bank of Industry (BOI) are aiming to rewrite with a landmark N4 billion intervention fund, one of the most significant private sector injections the state has seen in recent years.

Announced recently, the comprehensive loan scheme for Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) is designed to be more than just a cash disbursement. Its objectives are multi-faceted: create over 5,000 new jobs, stimulate economic growth, boost agricultural productivity, and ultimately enhance household welfare across the state’s communities.

The program represents a deliberate and structured intervention to build the economy from the ground up. Rather than simply giving out loans, the initiative focuses on investing in the businesses that form the backbone of the local economy and equipping them for sustainable growth.

The programme framework outlines clear eligibility criteria aimed at ensuring transparency and impact. To qualify, businesses must be formally registered with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and have their operational headquarters within Akwa Ibom State.
Applicants must also provide valid means of identification during the application process.

The application process is a four-stage journey designed to vet and prepare applicants. It begins with online submission of business details through the official portal at https://aksgboiloan.akwaibominvest.ng, followed by a rigorous document verification stage where applicants must upload all required supporting documents.

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Crucially, successful applicants will not receive funds immediately but will undergo mandatory capacity-building training with the Ibom Leadership and Entrepreneurship Development (Ibom-LED) agency before final approval and disbursement.

This training component serves as the soul of the scheme, building business acumen alongside providing financial capital. The approach aims to ensure businesses thrive long after the loan has been repaid.

For aspiring entrepreneurs dreaming of expanding their operations, the application portal is a gateway to possibilities.

This intervention is a game-changer since MSMEs represent one of largest employers of labour in any developing economy, and injecting N4 billion directly into this sector will definitely create significant ripple effects.

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Analysis

Ten instances of misinformation in Nnamdi Kanu’s case (Part 2)

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By Emeka Ugwuonye

6. Did the Court of Appeal decide that Kanu should not be tried for treasonable felony?

ANSWER: Not quite. While the Court of Appeal made a ruling regarding Kanu’s trial, that judgment was subsequently appealed to the Supreme Court, which reversed the Court of Appeal’s decision. As a result, the findings of the Court of Appeal have become irrelevant.

Currently, the law is defined by the judgment of the Supreme Court, which takes precedence over any previous appellate rulings. This means that Kanu can indeed be tried for treasonable felony, as the Supreme Court has upheld the charges against him. In legal terms, the most recent and authoritative ruling is what matters, and at this moment, that ruling supports the continuation of Kanu’s trial for the offenses he faces. It’s essential to recognize that legal outcomes are shaped by the highest court’s decisions, not by earlier judgments that have been overturned.

7. Should the judge have explained to him all these things when he asked the judge that question in court?

ANSWER: No, the judge should not have provided that explanation. Doing so would have amounted to the judge offering the kind of assistance that is typically provided by legal counsel. Nnamdi Kanu made the choice to represent himself, which means he cannot expect the judge to clarify or elaborate on legal matters outside the established rules of the court.

Moreover, Kanu’s question was posed in the context of his challenge to the court’s jurisdiction. This issue will be addressed in the court’s forthcoming judgment, and it would be inappropriate for the court to divulge information that pertains to a decision that has yet to be rendered. Judges must maintain impartiality and adhere to proper judicial protocol. Providing guidance or clarity on legal questions during court proceedings could compromise that impartiality and undermine the integrity of the judicial process.

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In summary, it is essential for defendants to seek clarification and understanding from their legal counsel rather than from the judge. The legal system is designed to ensure that each party is responsible for navigating it according to established procedures and rules. By choosing to represent himself, Kanu has placed himself in a position where he must rely on his own understanding of the law, and the court must remain neutral, providing a level playing field for all parties involved.

8. What is the implication of Nnamdi Kanu representing himself?

ANSWER: Representing himself is arguably the gravest mistake Nnamdi Kanu could make. While he has the legal right to defend himself, this is a right that no reasonable person should choose to exercise in a complex legal battle. It’s akin to firing your doctor and attempting to perform an appendectomy on yourself—an act fraught with peril and devoid of sound judgment.

Self-representation in legal proceedings can lead to disastrous consequences, as it places the individual at a significant disadvantage. The law is intricate, filled with procedural rules and nuanced arguments that require expert knowledge and experience to navigate effectively. By opting to represent himself, Kanu risks undermining his defense and jeopardizing his position in court.

Furthermore, there appears to be an inclination for Kanu to enjoy the spotlight and assert his voice, but that desire should not override practical legal considerations. The courtroom is not a forum for personal expression but a formal setting where skilled attorneys utilize their expertise to advocate for their clients’ best interests. By eschewing professional legal representation, Kanu not only diminishes his chances for a favorable outcome but also engages in a self-defeating strategy that could have serious ramifications for his case.

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In summary, while the choice to represent oneself is protected under the law, it is rarely a wise decision—especially in a high-stakes legal environment like the one Kanu finds himself in. Professional legal representation is crucial for ensuring that rights are upheld and justice is pursued effectively. Ignoring this reality is a significant miscalculation that Kanu may come to regret.

9. What is the implication of him refusing to present his defense?

ANSWER: Initially, I considered the possibility that his decision might be a strategic one. However, it has become clear that this refusal to present a defense is a significant miscalculation. By not offering a defense, Nnamdi Kanu leaves himself completely vulnerable, providing no counterarguments against the allegations and evidence brought forth by the prosecution. As a result, the prosecution has a clear path to victory.

Without any defense to challenge the prosecution’s case, the court is effectively compelled to convict him. The legal principle at play is that the court has already established that the prosecution has presented a prima facie case—which means they have provided sufficient evidence for the case to proceed. Kanu’s failure to defend himself means that he is allowing the prosecution’s arguments to stand unopposed.

This situation puts Kanu at a serious disadvantage and effectively undermines any chance he had of achieving a favorable outcome. When a defendant does not testify or present evidence in their favor, the court is left with only the prosecution’s narrative, increasing the likelihood of a conviction. It is crucial in any legal proceeding for a defendant to engage actively in their defense, as neglecting to do so can lead to a self-inflicted defeat.

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10. Can Kanu be tried in Nigeria for broadcasts he made outside Nigeria?

ANSWER: Yes, Kanu can indeed be tried in Nigeria for statements made outside the country. The law takes into account the location where the effects of an action occur, rather than where that action was carried out. A person can commit treasonable felonies or incitement from abroad, especially if the incitement has the potential to impact individuals or events in Nigeria.

The crucial factor is where the individuals being incited are located or where the unlawful act is intended to be executed. This principle underlines the legal precedent that holds individuals accountable for their words and actions, regardless of their physical location at the time.

Moreover, the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013 was specifically amended to extend its reach beyond Nigeria’s borders, allowing for the prosecution of offenses committed outside the country if they have implications within Nigeria. This means that Kanu’s statements from abroad could fall under the jurisdiction of Nigerian law, especially if they are perceived to incite unlawful activities or threaten national security.

In summary, Kanu’s geographical location does not absolve him from accountability under Nigerian law. He can be prosecuted for his statements made outside Nigeria as long as those statements have consequences within the country. This legal framework emphasizes the importance of holding individuals accountable for their actions, irrespective of where those actions are conducted.

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