Analysis
Ese Oruru: The Inspiring Triumph of a Survivor
By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

In April 2020, then governor of Kano State in north-west Nigeria, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, took time off his expensive preoccupation with denying the ravages of the coronavirus on his state to preside over the “conversion” to Islam of two adolescent females. Governor Ganduje, who later became the Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), was not famous for his learning or piety. Instead, he was infamous for having been caught on camera stuffing what appeared to be wads of foreign currency into the capacious pockets of his traditional gowns.
Instead of making an effort to clear his name, Ganduje procured a court order four years later in March 2024 to preclude an investigation into these scandalous allegations. Why he felt qualified to become the vulgar face of ostentatious proselytising in the conversion of the girls may, therefore, remain a mystery. Following the conversion ceremony, however, there were suggestions that the young girls were then married off to men in Kano.
One month after Governor Ganduje’s venture into “Conversion TV”, on 21 May, at the opposite end of the country, Jane Iyang, a judge of the Federal High Court sitting in Yenagoa, capital of Bayelsa State in the Niger Delta, convicted Yunusa Dahiru (also known as Yunusa Yellow) for the crimes of trafficking in and rape of Ese Oruru, a child. The court sentenced Mr. Dahiru to 26 years in prison. The Court of Appeal subsequently reduced the jail sentence to seven years and, in June 2023, Mr. Dahiru regained his freedom from the prison in Kano at the end of his abbreviated jail sentence.
While the country was caught in the maelstrom of the misadventures of Abdullahi Ganduje and Yunusa Dahiru, respectively, most forgot about the girls who were their victims.
In August 2015, Yunusa had taken a schoolgirl, Ese Oruru, from the family home in Opolo, Yenagoa, without the consent of her parents to his home state in Kano, where he claimed to have converted her to Islam before “marrying” her. She was not more than 14 years old, and some reports suggested that she was in fact younger. Thereafter, he impregnated the teenager. In May 2016, she gave birth to a baby girl. For many girls, this would have been the end of their ambitions.
At the trial, the state charged Yunusa Dahiru with five counts of criminal abduction by means of coercion, transporting and harbouring Ese in Kano, illicit intercourse, sexual exploitation and rape of a child. When he took Ese from her family, Yunusa was 22.
At its beginning in 2015, the Ese Oruru case degenerated quickly into the usual Nigerian polarities of north against south and Christians against Muslims, which did profound injustice to the facts.
In September 2015, the Kano Emirate Council issued a statement detailing the steps taken by the Emir, Muhammadu Sanusi II, on the matter. At the request of the Emir, an investigation by the Shariah Commission in the State had concluded that the girl was not yet of “the age where she could take the decisions attributed to her without the approval of her parents.” These were the decisions reportedly to change her faith and to get married. As a result, the Emir directed that she should be handed over to the police “for return to her family.” In March 2016, Ese finally returned to her family in Bayelsa.
On all sides of the advocacy and the debate that ensued, the full panoply of Nigerian unartfulness was on display with religious, ethnic and other epithets freely traded. Conveniently, much of this noise was deliberately designed to avoid the issues or wield disgraceful trump cards to mask them.
The case of Ese Oruru clearly raised profound policy issues of social, legal and moral significance that go to the heart of Nigeria’s coexistence.
Let’s begin with the social. Marriage is at the foundation of the family as a basic unit of society. However, the parties to a marriage must be people with the capacity to consent to it. In Ese’s case, she was not more than 14 when she was taken from her state, Bayelsa, which defines the age of consent as 18. It should be clear to all but a pervert that a 14-year-old is hardly in a position to consent to marriage nor to bear the physiological, emotional or psychological burdens that come with it.
To avoid these strictures of social policy, Yunusa decided to relocate Ese in three ways. First physically, he removed the child from her family and from her state to Kano where there was no Child Rights Law at the time. The State adopted a Child Rights Law only in 2023. Second, he relocated her in terms of her civic rights from a statutory regime to a theological one. Third, to complete her metamorphosis for the purposes of his carnal pursuits, Yunusa purported to relocate Ese’s faith identity from Christianity to Islam.
So, to avoid a clear legal prohibition against child marriage, he willfully undertook the crime of trafficking in a child to facilitate the invention of a theological trump that excuses child marriage. But this scheme ran into a problem: Ese was a minor. She did not have the capacity in theology, physiology, and psychology to change her faith identity. If she could not, then the invented trump was a fantasy. Yunusa’s response to this was to claim that Ese was above her real age to confer on her a legal capacity that she could not have.
For the people invested in this sequence of bizarre contortions, their plea was that they were on a mission to win souls for the Almighty with what must have been a holy phallus. Yet, nowhere in the Holy Books of any of the great faiths is there any support for a project of genital conversion of minors or, indeed, of anyone.
What happened in Ese Oruru’s case was quite plainly the trafficking of a child for sexual exploitation under the artifice of faith. Every person of true faith should have been appalled at this counterfeiting of theology for child abuse. Religion is not supposed to be a defence to child abuse and cannot be.
In Nigeria, however, otherwise enlightened people appeared willing to be corralled into this debasement of faith. The day after the conviction of Yunusa Yellow, on 22 May, 2020, presidential aide, Bashir Ahmad, promised an admirer on a social media platform that he would “try to contact those” who could help to change the verdict of the court against Yunusa. The response of the Presidency to this was eloquent silence. Mr. Ahmad’s foray into the realm of rigging the courts ranked second in infamy only behind what must be taken as his confession of support at the highest levels of power in Nigeria for a notion of child abuse in the name of the Almighty.
The conviction of Yunusa Yellow was, therefore, a signal moment for legal and social policy and for the protection of coexistence in the enjoyment of the right to freedom of conscience and religion in Nigeria. It confirmed what should have been evident to everyone: that the Almighty is not a child molester.
The sequel to all this has been nothing short of inspirational. This month, Ese Oruru graduated with a second-class upper-division degree from the Department of Education Technology at the University of Ilorin. This attainment attests to her intellect and resilience. It is a remarkable story of what is possible when a country guarantees its young girls equal opportunities in pursuit of their fullest potential.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu.
Analysis
Inside Akwa Ibom, BOI’s 4bn Naira Intervention for Local Businesses
*By Ofonime Honesty
For years, the story of small businesses has been one of resilient hustle hampered by a familiar adversary: access to capital. A struggling tailor with a waiting list of clients cannot afford an industrial machine. A rural farmer watches his business struggle due to his inability to expand and invest in modern tools. Even the tech startup with a brilliant idea operates on little, or zero budget.
This narrative is what the Akwa Ibom State Government and the Bank of Industry (BOI) are aiming to rewrite with a landmark N4 billion intervention fund, one of the most significant private sector injections the state has seen in recent years.
Announced recently, the comprehensive loan scheme for Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) is designed to be more than just a cash disbursement. Its objectives are multi-faceted: create over 5,000 new jobs, stimulate economic growth, boost agricultural productivity, and ultimately enhance household welfare across the state’s communities.
The program represents a deliberate and structured intervention to build the economy from the ground up. Rather than simply giving out loans, the initiative focuses on investing in the businesses that form the backbone of the local economy and equipping them for sustainable growth.
The programme framework outlines clear eligibility criteria aimed at ensuring transparency and impact. To qualify, businesses must be formally registered with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and have their operational headquarters within Akwa Ibom State.
Applicants must also provide valid means of identification during the application process.
The application process is a four-stage journey designed to vet and prepare applicants. It begins with online submission of business details through the official portal at https://aksgboiloan.akwaibominvest.ng, followed by a rigorous document verification stage where applicants must upload all required supporting documents.
Crucially, successful applicants will not receive funds immediately but will undergo mandatory capacity-building training with the Ibom Leadership and Entrepreneurship Development (Ibom-LED) agency before final approval and disbursement.
This training component serves as the soul of the scheme, building business acumen alongside providing financial capital. The approach aims to ensure businesses thrive long after the loan has been repaid.
For aspiring entrepreneurs dreaming of expanding their operations, the application portal is a gateway to possibilities.
This intervention is a game-changer since MSMEs represent one of largest employers of labour in any developing economy, and injecting N4 billion directly into this sector will definitely create significant ripple effects.
Analysis
Ten instances of misinformation in Nnamdi Kanu’s case (Part 2)
By Emeka Ugwuonye
6. Did the Court of Appeal decide that Kanu should not be tried for treasonable felony?
ANSWER: Not quite. While the Court of Appeal made a ruling regarding Kanu’s trial, that judgment was subsequently appealed to the Supreme Court, which reversed the Court of Appeal’s decision. As a result, the findings of the Court of Appeal have become irrelevant.
Currently, the law is defined by the judgment of the Supreme Court, which takes precedence over any previous appellate rulings. This means that Kanu can indeed be tried for treasonable felony, as the Supreme Court has upheld the charges against him. In legal terms, the most recent and authoritative ruling is what matters, and at this moment, that ruling supports the continuation of Kanu’s trial for the offenses he faces. It’s essential to recognize that legal outcomes are shaped by the highest court’s decisions, not by earlier judgments that have been overturned.
7. Should the judge have explained to him all these things when he asked the judge that question in court?
ANSWER: No, the judge should not have provided that explanation. Doing so would have amounted to the judge offering the kind of assistance that is typically provided by legal counsel. Nnamdi Kanu made the choice to represent himself, which means he cannot expect the judge to clarify or elaborate on legal matters outside the established rules of the court.
Moreover, Kanu’s question was posed in the context of his challenge to the court’s jurisdiction. This issue will be addressed in the court’s forthcoming judgment, and it would be inappropriate for the court to divulge information that pertains to a decision that has yet to be rendered. Judges must maintain impartiality and adhere to proper judicial protocol. Providing guidance or clarity on legal questions during court proceedings could compromise that impartiality and undermine the integrity of the judicial process.
In summary, it is essential for defendants to seek clarification and understanding from their legal counsel rather than from the judge. The legal system is designed to ensure that each party is responsible for navigating it according to established procedures and rules. By choosing to represent himself, Kanu has placed himself in a position where he must rely on his own understanding of the law, and the court must remain neutral, providing a level playing field for all parties involved.
8. What is the implication of Nnamdi Kanu representing himself?
ANSWER: Representing himself is arguably the gravest mistake Nnamdi Kanu could make. While he has the legal right to defend himself, this is a right that no reasonable person should choose to exercise in a complex legal battle. It’s akin to firing your doctor and attempting to perform an appendectomy on yourself—an act fraught with peril and devoid of sound judgment.
Self-representation in legal proceedings can lead to disastrous consequences, as it places the individual at a significant disadvantage. The law is intricate, filled with procedural rules and nuanced arguments that require expert knowledge and experience to navigate effectively. By opting to represent himself, Kanu risks undermining his defense and jeopardizing his position in court.
Furthermore, there appears to be an inclination for Kanu to enjoy the spotlight and assert his voice, but that desire should not override practical legal considerations. The courtroom is not a forum for personal expression but a formal setting where skilled attorneys utilize their expertise to advocate for their clients’ best interests. By eschewing professional legal representation, Kanu not only diminishes his chances for a favorable outcome but also engages in a self-defeating strategy that could have serious ramifications for his case.
In summary, while the choice to represent oneself is protected under the law, it is rarely a wise decision—especially in a high-stakes legal environment like the one Kanu finds himself in. Professional legal representation is crucial for ensuring that rights are upheld and justice is pursued effectively. Ignoring this reality is a significant miscalculation that Kanu may come to regret.
9. What is the implication of him refusing to present his defense?
ANSWER: Initially, I considered the possibility that his decision might be a strategic one. However, it has become clear that this refusal to present a defense is a significant miscalculation. By not offering a defense, Nnamdi Kanu leaves himself completely vulnerable, providing no counterarguments against the allegations and evidence brought forth by the prosecution. As a result, the prosecution has a clear path to victory.
Without any defense to challenge the prosecution’s case, the court is effectively compelled to convict him. The legal principle at play is that the court has already established that the prosecution has presented a prima facie case—which means they have provided sufficient evidence for the case to proceed. Kanu’s failure to defend himself means that he is allowing the prosecution’s arguments to stand unopposed.
This situation puts Kanu at a serious disadvantage and effectively undermines any chance he had of achieving a favorable outcome. When a defendant does not testify or present evidence in their favor, the court is left with only the prosecution’s narrative, increasing the likelihood of a conviction. It is crucial in any legal proceeding for a defendant to engage actively in their defense, as neglecting to do so can lead to a self-inflicted defeat.
10. Can Kanu be tried in Nigeria for broadcasts he made outside Nigeria?
ANSWER: Yes, Kanu can indeed be tried in Nigeria for statements made outside the country. The law takes into account the location where the effects of an action occur, rather than where that action was carried out. A person can commit treasonable felonies or incitement from abroad, especially if the incitement has the potential to impact individuals or events in Nigeria.
The crucial factor is where the individuals being incited are located or where the unlawful act is intended to be executed. This principle underlines the legal precedent that holds individuals accountable for their words and actions, regardless of their physical location at the time.
Moreover, the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013 was specifically amended to extend its reach beyond Nigeria’s borders, allowing for the prosecution of offenses committed outside the country if they have implications within Nigeria. This means that Kanu’s statements from abroad could fall under the jurisdiction of Nigerian law, especially if they are perceived to incite unlawful activities or threaten national security.
In summary, Kanu’s geographical location does not absolve him from accountability under Nigerian law. He can be prosecuted for his statements made outside Nigeria as long as those statements have consequences within the country. This legal framework emphasizes the importance of holding individuals accountable for their actions, irrespective of where those actions are conducted.
Analysis
Ten instances of misinformation in Nnamdi Kanu’s case (Part one)
By Emeka Ugwuonye
There has been so many false information flying around about the case of Nnamadi Kanu. Unfortunately, many people are believing such false claims and are actually relying on them. Hence, I will identify 24 such false claims and debunk them.
1. Was the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act, 2013 ever repealed?
ANSWER: No, the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013 has not been repealed. The Act was an amendment to the original Terrorism (Prevention) Act of 2011 and introduced important changes, including provisions for extra-territorial application of the law and enhancements related to terrorist financing offenses.
2. Did the Nigerian Supreme Court rule that Nnamdi Kanu cannot be tried under the Terrorism Act?
ANSWER: The Nigerian Supreme Court did not explicitly rule that Nnamdi Kanu cannot be tried under the Terrorism Act. In October 2022, the Supreme Court of Nigeria dismissed the appeal filed by Kanu challenging the charge of terrorism against him, stating that his initial issue regarding jurisdiction was not substantiated, and the lower courts had the right to adjudicate the case. The court effectively upheld the earlier decisions that allowed for Kanu’s trial to proceed.
3. Is it true that Nnamdi Kanu is not being tried under a written law as the Constitution requires?
ANSWER: All the seven counts proffered against Nnamdi Kanu in the ongoing trial are based on written laws, principal the Criminal Code Act and the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act, both of which are written laws.
4. Is it true that Kanu does not know the law under which he was charged?
ANSWER: No, that is not true. Kanu knows the law and sections of the law under which the charges against him were brought. He became aware the moment they handed his charging documents and he read the charges against him. Each count of the charge states what he is alleged to have done wrong, the date and place where he did it and the law which declared his alleged actions to be a crime. Also, during his arraignment, the court official read out the charges to his hearing in open court and he was asked if he understood each charge and he answered Yes before pleading to each charge.
5. What offense exactly did the government of Nigeria accuse Nnamdi Kanu of committing?
ANSWER: The offenses the accused Kanu of committing fall into two groups. The first group is treasonable felony, which basically accuses Kanu of doing certain things with the intention and purpose of intimidating and threatening the officials of government with the purpose of forcing them to change policy – the secession of Biafra. The second group is the defamation of President Buhari. (This is the weakest of all the offences charged).
The third group relates to the terrorism offenses. Here is accused of incitement (the sit-at-home orders). These offenses are well-spelled out in the charging documents.
-
News7 days agoBREAKING: Nnamdi Kanu writes Trump, calls for US inquiry in S’east killings
-
World7 days agoUS Congress Introduces Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Bill
-
News5 days agoShari’ah Council urges Tinubu to immediately sack INEC chairman
-
World6 days agoBREAKING: US Revokes Visas of 80,000 Nigerians, Others
-
Analysis6 days agoHow Nnamdi Kanu’s claim that the Nigerian court lacks the authority to try him falls flat
-
News6 days agoBREAKING: Judge sets date for judgement in Nnamdi Kanu’s trial
-
News6 days agoBREAKING: Nnamdi Kanu capitulates, agrees to open his defense
-
News6 days agoGet ready for onslaught against terrorists — Army chief tells troops
-
News2 days agoTension in Abuja as soldiers block Wike from entering disputed land
-
News6 days agoMan rapes, strangles woman to death in Rivers State
